Saturday, September 12, 2009

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WE ARE NOW SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION

FROM NOW ON WE ARE PART OF SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION , WHERE A WIDER AREA WILL CONTINUE DEVELOPING THE HUMBLE WORK TO BE PERFORMED IN SOCIALISM IN THE RED

THIS IS OUR NEW ADDRESS:

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Wednesday, August 12, 2009

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In defense of the proposed Education Act



In these 10 years of Bolivarian process, education has been a major social investment priorities driven by the revolutionary government of Hugo Chávez. Proof of this is to have exceeded 7% of GDP in education investment, recommendation UNDP to address the Millennium Development Goals in education.

In this sense, since it was banned tuition fees in public educational institutions, the rate of schooling at all levels has increased significantly, so are hundreds of new educational institutions (including Simoncitos, schools and colleges) have been built in this decade.

Moreover, the educational missions have meaning from its inception, overcoming a huge social debt inherited from the Fourth Republic, a fact acknowledged by international institutions which highlights the UNESCO. Mission Robinson literacy meant more than 1.5 million countrymen, and completion of primary education of hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans. Ribas Mission has involved the pursuit of undergraduate studies, thousands of compatriots who were excluded for the unpopular policies of the oligarchy. Thanks to the Mission Sucre Mission and Culture, higher education has been crowded as never before, starting a municipally process it. Also

Bolivarian process through the opening of new universities and the increased enrollment of others has turned Venezuela into the second country in the continent with regard to the proportion of higher education students, special mention is the creation of the UBV, Cuba-Venezuela agreements and the expansion of UNEFA the UNESR, the UNELLEZ, among others.

A fact that has reduced at all levels the negative phenomenon of school dropout, has been the policy of scholarships and grants driven by the revolutionary government. Thanks to the economic incentives given in the Educational Missions and FUNDAYACUCHO scholarship program, the Venezuelan men and women, especially those with more limited resources, have been able to continue with their studies.

But beyond these political and educational infrastructure development, a fact that has allowed the development of our education in recent times has been the substantial improvement in the national economic situation, because the best actions to reduce the dropout rate is increasing the purchasing power of the popular sectors and the reduction of unemployment, so no one (especially children and adolescents) has to leave school to go to work.

However, despite much progress in education, the Bolivarian process has not been able to advance deeper changes, due among other things, lack of legislation that is in tune with the principles established in the Bolivarian Constitution of the year 99 and the Simón Bolívar National Project. Even today, after 10 years revolutionary government still has the Organic Law of Education (LOE), enacted in 1980.

The various political trends experienced over the last decade and harassment of the opposition have delayed an ongoing debate fortunately today, the discussion of a new Organic Law of Education. This discussion is vital, because from the enactment of the same may be discussed more specific laws such as the Special Law of basic education or special law of higher education.

In a revolutionary process must be transformed in profound education because it is one of the main factors of ideological reproduction. A revolution can not be developed in time, if education continues to reproduce the values \u200b\u200bof the old society.

Education is one of the fundamental areas where you develop the New Man and New Woman, otherwise we will be leaving the enemies of the revolution in the field of education, which will result in a historic setback sooner or later.

For this reason, the discussion is taking place today around the new LOE is mobilizing various sectors of the opposition who want to avoid at all costs the enactment thereof. Right and imperialism are aware of the importance of education for the maintenance of status quo. Again they are using the old arguments of the threats to parental rights, religion, to education plural without an "ideology" for university autonomy.

Similarly, the process forces have once again demonstrated its inability in communication and propaganda, so their tactic is still the defensive, leaving the initiative to the right. This is dangerous because it could again delay the enactment of the new LOE if the opposition manages to mobilize large sectors of society, so the revolutionary forces are forced to raise their levels of mobilization to support this initiative of the late National Assembly.

LOE's proposal approved in first reading in the NA, are important contributions that will bring all of our educational system to the current constitutional and institutional legitimacy on the other hand certain extraordinary policies on education has promoted the Bolivarian process, mainly we refer to the Educational Missions.

Among the issues that we highlight these in the proposed LOE, include the following:

1. A new philosophical and political framework that allows the development of new principles and values \u200b\u200brelevant to the construction of a new education: liberating, critical, humanistic, oriented to national development and the supreme social happiness.

2. Reaffirmation of the role of the state as guarantor of preserving Teacher education as a universal human right and fundamental social duty, inalienable. In this sense, is assured of free education up to university degree level.

3. Governing bodies in education will ensure the optimal development and functioning of educational missions.

4. Incorporation of People's Power players in the management of education, taking into account the principle of social responsibility. In this sense, it promotes the Social in educational policy.

5. Se establece de forma nítida, el carácter laico de la educación, lo cual implica la no intervención de la iglesia en el sistema educativo público. Este principio favorece a las minorías religiosas y sectores no creyentes históricamente vejados por el catolicismo hegemónico. Por otro lado este principio reserva a la familia la orientación religiosa.

6. La equidad de género es enunciada como principio que garantiza la igualdad de condiciones y oportunidades en el acceso a una educación de calidad e integral a todos y todas durante toda la vida.

7. Se establecen controles a los Medios de Comunicación para que estos sean partícipes de la formación de la población, por through educational programming. In this order prohibiting the incitement of hatred in educational spaces and media.

8. The public and private companies are required to give all facilities to promote the union of study and work. On the other hand are forced public and private companies in construction, has build quality educational institutions.

9. Student Councils are established and new organizations in which the student must be pooled to strengthen participatory democracy within educational institutions.

10. Domestic life becomes democratic institutions education, with the inclusion in the educational community and the university community workers and administrative staff. From now on workers and employees may have a greater role and participation in defining policies in educational institutions.

11. University autonomy is assumed and respected in all areas according to the statement in the constitution. But establishing controls that relativize the administrative autonomy, through the national comptroller, social control and supervision exercised by the state. This is very important, because until now, universities have become black boxes (remember the budget of the autonomous universities in some cases higher than some governors), where resources are squandered and enrich a few professorial mafia families.

12. The teaching career and job security of professional education is fully guaranteed and reaffirmed, both in public and in private.

For these reasons, the Venezuelan people should be mobilized to support the enactment of a new Organic Law of Education, which is clearly more democratic, more participatory, more advanced than previous LOE.

unmasks the new lies that you are using the right and imperialism to torpedo the new initiative of the Bolivarian Process.

LOE's proposal should be discussed in all areas with the working class, women, youth. All the people should take this legislative proposal contributing to its spread and development.


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Sunday, July 19, 2009

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Latin America: Workers in the energy sector in times of crisis


James Petras Rebelión
Translated
Andrés Prado for Rebelión by

The situation of energy sector in Latin America is determined by both internal and external correlation of political forces, the level of class organization and power within the working classes and dominant, the situation of the global economy and the strength and weakness of U.S. imperialism. The "situation in the energy sector" refers to different variations in terms of ownership, economic size and distribution of gains within the class structure. Correlation

internal and external forces

The balance of power between capitalists and workers in the energy sector in Latin America varies widely: in Venezuela Chavez's government, with support from the union for oil workers, has increased public ownership and has distributed oil revenues among the popular classes through food subsidies, health for all and public education programs. At the other extreme is in Colombia, under Uribe's government, the foreign private oil companies are increasing their control, the profits are repatriated to the imperialist countries or out of the country by the domestic elite and government revenues subsidize the oligarchy, and death squads backed by the government and army to kill and threaten union leaders and social.

Between these two poles of the nationalist left and the neo-fascist right are a few other types: social democratic, social liberal and neoliberal.

Bolivia and Ecuador, Evo Morales and Rafael Correa, representing the social democratic approach. Proposed "partnership" between "state" and capitalist foreign oil companies, which share the benefits of oil exploitation. Foreign companies still control most if not all, of refinement and of trade and social democratic government has yet to establish their own "marketing systems." The

policies "social liberals" are found in Brazil and Argentina where major oil companies are only nominally state they are traded on stock markets in Latin America and Wall Street. State income are distributed in an unequal proportion: most used to subsidize the agricultural sector and the lower mineral to fund social programs, including core poverty programs.

neoliberal policies are found in Mexico and Peru, where oil companies previously owned by the State have been transferred to foreign oil companies and energy. In Mexico, only the militancy of the Mexican Electricians Union has prevented the government from privatizing this strategic industry. Under neoliberal regimes of energy and oil profits have been distributed almost exclusively between foreign and local ruling classes and have only been a few crumbs for the workers, peasants and indigenous communities in the form of programs of "poverty of subsistence" . Neoliberal regimes and pillage disinvest public enterprises, reducing their production quota and leaving them with debts, obsolete technology and a declining ability to meet obligations overseas.

The Impact of economic boom and the global recession (2003-2009)

The performance and ownership of the energy sector are influenced by the internal class struggle, the situation of the global economy and the rise and fall of American imperialism. The crisis of neoliberalism and popular revolts between 1999 and 2005 closed the first phase of large-scale privatization in many Latin American countries. The demolition of the governments of De la Rua in Argentina, Sánchez de Tiled in Bolivia and Noboa and Gutiérrez in Ecuador, the defeat of the coup in Venezuela (April 2002) and the closure of the bosses (the strike of oil) (December 2002 -February 2003) led to radical mass movements to establish a new agenda: the re-nationalization of the energy sector, oil, electricity sector, mining and other strategic sectors. However

popular revolts did not lead, with the exception of Venezuela, government workers and peasants. Instead, the center-left alliances of middle-class orientation to the working classes led to some partial reforms. In Bolivia Evo Morales has increased the state's role in society with 42 oil and gas companies to foreign ownership. Kirchner set up a state company but declined to re-nationalize Repsol YPF in Argentina. Correa in Ecuador increased taxes on companies oil but foreign multinational companies still produce 57% of the oil. In Brazil, Lula refused to re-nationalize privatized companies-the majority of the shares of Petrobras are in the hands of private investors.

Most combat the exploitation of energy and mining companies in Peru, Colombia, Ecuador and Chile was carried out by indigenous movements, in some cases supported by oil workers and peasant organizations. The reason is clear: energy companies were not simply exploiting labor, they were destroying their economies and living conditions through massive environmental pollution and the seizure of their traditions.

In Brazil, the promotion of large-scale, long period of huge multinational sugar plantations and refineries that produce ethanol displaced thousands of small farmers and indigenous communities and intensified the exploitation of farmworkers. Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST) and other rural social movements allied with Lula, engaged in defensive struggles. However, no urban allies, could not handle the combination Lula-agricultural market.

urban workers and unions

The main driving force behind popular revolts against neoliberalism varies across countries and time.

workers in Ecuador oil, mining and factories joined the mass movement of peasants to depose Noboa at the beginning of the decade. In Argentina, the unemployed and the middle class led the fight in the overthrow of De la Rua. In Venezuela oil workers were divided between a minority who supported the closure of the leaders and a majority that took over and operated the wells in support of President Chavez. However, over the decade, energy sector workers have organized and fought in defense of their economic sector, opposing privatization and protecting their standards of living through mass struggle. But their presence in popular revolts has been limited. In many cases the leaders of the unions have backed energy center-left regimes to make concessions on wages and job security. In the best cases, these trade unions have joined in demonstrations of solidarity with the massive struggle of the peasants, indigenous and unemployed. Paradoxically

strong and militant union organization of energy has led to economic gains and sector reforms, which led in turn to the creation of highly segregated islands of affluence amidst a mass of rural and urban poor. The past decade has witnessed the decline in energy workers as the vanguard of popular revolts, other classes have taken their place. This has led to a strategic threat because, in the course of large-scale privatization of the energy sector, workers will fail to secure the support of the rest of the working class and peasants.

While oil exploitation in the Amazon create "jobs for oil workers, destroys the way of life of indigenous communities and starts a conflict between oil companies and their employees against the mass of artisans, small farmers dependent communities livestock, fisheries and handicrafts, close to the mining and oil operations.

global recession and the energy sector


Global crisis can not be solved only with strikes and protests. Even the re can not by itself create the basis for recovery nationwide. The only choice facing workers in the energy sector is a "cultural and political revolution" inside in which to rethink their basic strategy and go beyond sectoral struggles.

The deep and prolonged recession can only be addressed at the political level national levels through a shift toward formation of a broad political alliance and mass with the popular classes, with a strategy to win state power. On the eve of the collapse of capitalism, the trade union struggle is no longer effective. Trade unions can only succeed by giving a decisive turn towards anti-capitalist movements, a shift toward an explicit acceptance of socialism.

Today, the entire capitalist class has seized control of the state, especially the State Treasury to finance its survival and recovery at the expense of workers, peasants, indigenous people and the urban poor. As the crisis deepens, the revolt of the mass rural and urban re-break the bonds of bourgeois hegemony. Will raise the question: will the energy workers of a socialist solution or be part of the capitalist problem? Will they be workers in the energy part of the vanguard or remain part of the rear? What is absolutely clear is that energy workers occupy a strategic position in the global capitalist system, without oil nothing moves without electricity bankers can not count their profits and investors can not read their dividend payments.

The capitalist system has never been shown in its entirety today, in life real, which is a failed system, and producing goods and services and providing credit and financing and providing jobs.

The famous phrase from Karl Marx comes to mind: "A specter is haunting the capitalist class: the advent of the socialist revolution." -----------------------


Presented at a plenary session of the international meeting of workers in the electricity sector in Mexico organized by the Mexican Union Electricians. (SME) in July 2009.

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Immanuel Wallerstein La Jornada

's presidency George W. Bush was far more electoral devastation by the center-left parties in Latin America in the last two centuries. Barack Obama's presidency risks being the moment of vengeance on the right in Latin America.

The reason may well be the same: the combination of the decline of American power with the continued centrality of the United States in world politics. At the same time, Washington is unable to impose itself and everyone expected to enter the field of play in their side.

What was what happened in Honduras? Long ago this country is one of the pillars of the Latin American oligarchies insurance: ruling class has a cocky and unrepentant, keeps close ties with the United States and is the site of a major U.S. military base.

In the last elections, Manuel (Mel) Zelaya was elected president. Being a product of the dominant classes, was expected to continue playing the game on the way Honduran presidents have ever played. Instead, he bowed his policies toward the left. Launched internal programs that actually did something for the vast majority of the population: schools built in remote rural areas, by increasing the minimum wage, health clinics were opened. He began his term supporting FTA with the United States, but two years later joined ALBA, the organization of states that created the President Hugo Chávez. The result was that Honduras obtained cheap oil from Venezuela.

then proposed holding a referendum on whether people thought it a good idea to review the Constitution. The oligarchy shouted that this was an attempt to Zelaya to change laws and allow him to agree to a second term. Since the consultation was expected to happen on the day his successor was elected, this is clearly a fabricated reason.

Why, then, the army staged a coup backed by the Supreme Court, the Honduran Congress and the Catholic hierarchy? Two factors come together here: his vision of Zelaya and his perception of the United States. In the thirties, the U.S. right attacked Franklin Roosevelt as a "traitor to his class." For the Honduran oligarchy, that means that Zelaya, "a traitor to his class," is someone who should be punished as an example for others.

And what about the U.S.? When the coup occurred, some commentators on the left screaming in the blogosphere called it "a coup for Obama." That you miss the point of what happened. Zelaya and his supporters or the street, nor Chavez or Fidel Castro, who take this view as simplistic. All they notice the difference between Obama and the American right (political leaders or military figures).

seems clear that the last thing the Obama administration wanted this coup. It was an attempt to force the issue. No doubt this was the breath of key figures in the U.S. right as Otto Reich (the Cuban-American and former Bush adviser) and the International Republican Institute.

Since the coup occurred in Honduras, Obama, constrained between two strong positions, merely to gain time winking to one and all without taking a clear stance.

We witness some of their exorbitant claims. The Foreign Minister of the coup government, Enrique Ortez, said Obama was a "black man who knows nothing about anything." There is some controversy on how pejorative the term "black" in Castilian. In any case, the U.S. ambassador strongly protested at the insult. Ortez apologized for his "unfortunate expression," and was changed to another job in government. Ortez was interviewed by Honduran television saying: "I have no racial prejudice, I like the little black sugar mill that is presiding over the United States."

Undoubtedly, the American right is shorter but no less Obama denunciatory. Sen. Jim DeMint, Rep. Cuban American Republican Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, and conservative lawyer Manuel A. Estrada, have all insisted that the coup was justified because it was not a coup, but just a defense of the Honduran Constitution. And the right-wing blogger Jennifer Rubin, published a text on July 13 entitled: Obama is wrong, wrong, wrong over Honduras. Honduran equivalent, Ramon Villeda, published an open letter to U.S. president on 11 July, where he said: "It is not the first time Washington makes a mistake and leaves, at critical moments, an ally and friend." Right Honduran

ago looking to win their game time, until the period ends Zelaya. If they achieve their goal, have won. And right Guatemalan, Salvadoran and Nicaraguan seen from the side, and already bitten the desire to start their own coups against their governments are no longer right.

right may win the election this year and next year in Argentina and Brazil, perhaps in Uruguay and Chile. Three major Southern Cone analysts have published their explanations. Atilio Boron speaks of the "futility of the strike." Brazilian sociologist Emir Sader said that Latin America faces a crossroads: "The deepening of anti-neoliberalism or the conservative restoration." Uruguayan journalist Raúl Zibechi analysis titled The irresistible decline of liberalism.

Zibechi think that the weak policies of Lula, Vazquez, Kirchner and Bachelet (Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina and Chile) have strengthened the right (which envisions adopting a style Berlusconi) and divided the left.

I think there is a more direct and simple. The left came to power in Latin America because of American distraction and good economic times. He now faces a continuing distraction, but the economic times are bad and starting to blame because he is in power, although there is little they can do the center-left governments regarding the world economy.

Can America do something about this coup? Of course. First, Obama can officially label the coup as a coup. This could trigger a U.S. law that cut off all U.S. assistance to Honduras. Can encroach on the Pentagon continued relations with the Honduran military. You can withdraw the U.S. ambassador. You can say that there is nothing to negotiate rather than insist on the "mediation" between the legitimate government and the coup leaders.

Why not do all that? It is very simple, too. Has at least four other super items on its agenda: confirmation Sonia Sotomayor in the Supreme Court, a continued turmoil in the Middle East, their need to pass health care legislation this year (if not in August, December), and suddenly a huge pressure to open investigations of illegal acts Bush administration. Sorry, but Honduras is the fifth in the list.

So Barack Obama does not take a clear stance. And nobody will be happy. Zelaya can be restored in the post, but maybe only three months from now. Too late. Put her attention to Guatemala.

Translation: Ramón Vera Herrera

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need a bit of Marxism

Leonardo
Boff a concrete situation "that would enable to judge about vision problems in the form of complaint-listing. But not in the nature of this pope to be a prophet. He is a doctor and a teacher. Prepares the official discourse of the Magisterium, whose perspective does not come down, real-life conflict, but from above, from the orthodox doctrine that vanishes minimizes the contradictions and conflicts. The dominant trend is not analysis, but of ethics, what should be.


As it examines the current reality, extremely complex, the magisterial speech remains principled, balanced and defined by its definition. The subtext of the text, the unsaid in dicho, remite a una inocencia teórica que inconscientemente asume la ideología funcional de la sociedad dominante. Se nota ya al abordar el tema central ―el desarrollo― tan criticado hoy por no tener en cuenta los limites ecológicos de la Tierra. De esto la encíclica no dice nada. Su visión es que el sistema mundial se presenta fundamentalmente correcto. Lo que existen son disfunciones, no contradicciones. Ese diagnóstico sugiere la siguiente terapia, semejante a la del G-20: rectificaciones y no cambios, mejorías y no cambio de paradigma, reformas y no liberaciones. Es el imperativo del maestro: «corrección»; no el del profeta: «conversión».

Al leer el texto, largo y pesado, just thinking how good it would come to the current pope a bit of Marxism! This, from the oppressed, has the merit of exposing the oppositions present in the current system, exposing the conflicts of power and report unrestrained greed of the market society, competitive, consumerist, uncooperative and unfair. She is a social and structural sin sacrifice millions on the altar of production for unlimited consumption. This should prophetically denounce the pope. But it does not.
The text of the Magisterium, an Olympian on the outside and above the current conflict situation, not ideologically "neutral" as intended. It is a discourse player the prevailing system, that causes suffering to all especially the poor. Not a question that Benedict XVI wants it or not willing, but the structural logic of his speech teachers. By giving up a serious critical analysis, pay a high price in theoretical and practical ineffectiveness. Not innovate, repeat.

And that lost a huge opportunity to address humanity in a dramatic moment in history, from the symbolic capital of transformation and hope contained in the Christian message. This pope does not value the new heaven and new earth, which can be anticipated by human practices, but know this decadent life, and self-sustainable (cultural pessimism) and eternal life and heaven to come. He walks away and the great biblical message that revolutionary political implications to state that the terminal utopia of the Kingdom of justice, love and freedom is only real in so far as to build and to anticipate, within the limits of space and of historical time such goods between us.

Interestingly, disregarding fideists recurrent notions ("only through the charity Christian integral development is possible), when you" forget "the magisterial tone at the end of the encyclical, he talks about sensible things as reform UN, the new economic and financial architecture Internationally, the concept of global common good and the inclusion of the human family relational.

paraphrase Nietzsche: "How much critical analysis is capable of incorporating the teachings of the Church?" Leonardo Boff



http://www.servicioskoinonia.org/boff/articulo.php?num=337

Socialism on the Web

Tuesday, July 14, 2009

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BRIEF NOTES ON THE NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECT SIMON BOLIVAR 2007-2013 (PNSB): SOME PROBLEMS TO SAVE. Why Read

Corena Jaime P.
Then look at the consistency of guideline IV PNSB with socialist theory and some measures of leadership of the revolution to develop.

CONSISTENCY OF THE GUIDELINE IV

PNSB Guideline IV (initialed by President Chávez) is consistent with the original socialist proposal and subject to current development of socialist theory, which we believe expresses very well the work of Meszaros in his book Beyond Capital. The guideline states:


"In order to achieve meaningful work, it will seek the elimination of social division, the hierarchical structure and the choice between meeting human needs and the production of wealth subject to the reproduction of capital. "

ORIGINAL consistent with the theory.

precisely in the German Ideology, Marx and Engels (page 43, Volume I, The Dog and the Frog, 2007, Caracas), suggest that the possibility of falling into strong dialectical clash (antagonistic contradiction) the material and spiritual activities, enjoyment and work, production and consumption (assigned to different individuals), lives only to re-abandon the social division of labor (Emphasis added.)

is clear then that the search for the elimination of social division of labor and hierarchy, according to PNSB, original sense. But a question arises: In the concrete conditions of deepening the Bolivarian Revolution of Venezuela and its current international and regional context, how progressive steps in that direction? The Soviet revolution could do little or nothing about it and China so far does not show results to note.



CONSISTENCY WITH THE CURRENT SOCIAL THEORY.

In Beyond Capital, Mészáros, (page 851, Vadell Hermanos, Caracas-Valencia, 2001), precisely in keeping with the original idea:
"Since the goal of social emancipation is the radical improvement hierarchical social division of labor inherited much care how can transitional material forms of mediation effectively undertake the task of restructuring the framework metabolic postrevolutionary society. "

A form of mediation that is transitional material that we mean when we ask about the next steps to advance this goal of emancipation. The current state of the answer to this question is a task that the leadership of the revolution, the Council of Ministers, the Bureau of the PSUV and the National Assembly should deal with broader support in the participation of (as) employees (as) .

Judging by what we see, in social relations that are still playing in the companies we can say we are part of the area of \u200b\u200bthe socialist economy, there are very few traces mark so far in the direction of seeking to eliminate the social division of labor and hierarchy. The old order's cultural capital, business management still dominates. And in the organization of work in the institutions of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, the thing has not changed much (almost none of these has developed a plan to advance the guideline IV). This, despite the fact that since December 2006, President Chávez called to build a socialist economy.

As elements of the transitional material mediation that raises awareness and training mass socialist and pictures are, in our view and others (on the shoulders of social property and / or community):

• Assembly's approval of the work of the budgets of the companies and their implementation.
• The participatory definition of costs, prices, surpluses and distribution of the latter.
• Introducing participatory new products to meet human needs and the country.
• Creation box participatory management of the company and the election by direct suffrage and secret management.
• The scientific and technological development, quality and productivity through research and development units of participation.
• Accreditation and empowerment knowledge acquired through work experience in business and in partnership with universities.

If these items and other relevant not begin to incorporate the business life, they become difficult to save and (so far there is little about the Bolivarian Revolution), but we overcome these difficulties may occur which Mészáros says (op. cit p. 851):

"For a progressive failure to put under control of the forces that continue to reproduce the wicked structural parameters of hierarchical decision making, bequeathed by the past, condemning the socialist project in the best cases, the stagnation if not a recession and involution. "

breeding of these forces of the past if there is much in the ministries of economy and nationalized some businesses. Discuss their influence on the delay of the implementation of Guideline IV PNSB is a task that the Socialists must not shirk.


CHAVEZ SIGNS DA DEVELOPMENT OF THE GUIDELINE IV PNSB.

So far this year 2009, especially in the second quarter, President Chavez, in events in Guyana and eastern coast of Lake has made three momentous announcements of his government in relation to the development of guideline IV of PNSB:
• All nationalized enterprises in Guyana would be part of a subsystem socialist construction (art business complex worker), whose interior socialist social relations would be established according to some notes he had about the same workers at an event, whose closing ceremony was the president himself. Could be chosen
• business managers of the complex by direct vote, after definition of rules that prevent the reproduction of power pernicious group.
• A large part of the surplus produced by workers of the nationalized companies that provide services to PDVSA on the East Coast of the Lake, could be distributed according to priorities of social development, workers' councils of these businesses and community councils in that territory.

Hopefully these measures announced by the president, are part of the debate (3R) than on socialist construction must take place within the PSUV, in directing the economy ministries and the National Assembly. And therefore from the freely associated producers of goods and services.

measures that are sustained over time and generalized work would aim to (manager-operational) involved in making key decisions of firms and the economy as a whole and feel some of the bases of the irreversibility of revolution. Chavez thus substantially start betting so Mészáros (page 851 op cit) states:

".... Will remain equally true that in a very deep sense the pattern of measurement of the socialist achievements is to what extent the measures and policies adopted actively contribute to the establishment and consolidation in a well-established substantially democratic (ie, truly non-hierarchical in its mode of operation in all areas) of social control and general self. Therefore, there is no way that the views of a socialist thinker about the division of labor resulting expendable. "

measures mediation transitional materials to complete the democratization of politics, economics and knowledge production in socialist construction, should lead to the development of socially owned enterprises and / or community of high productivity and quality, so that progressively by the work itself shows that the Socialism is superior to capitalism in all spheres of human activity, and therefore has to be controlled in a socially conscious (social learning and become usual mass) metabolic reproduction of capital (social division of labor and hierarchy .) The latter is not involved in the current stage of socialist construction under ALBA, delete individual responsibilities in operational or managerial jobs, but that work as a whole gradually assume (not a trickle) assembly-making of political decisions and economic fundamentals.

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Monday, July 13, 2009

Warts That Look Like Skin Tags

Julio Antonio Mella


Julio César Guanche and

I. - Julio Antonio Mella was born on March 25, 1903 in Cuba. In the Greater Antilles neocolonial happened the first experiment on a planetary level, retained the status of a country dominated for a metropolis and was laboratory to structure in the twentieth century more generally the status of dependent capitalist development. In their family environment, Nick was born as a child "bastard" of the extramarital affair between a wealthy tailor, Nicanor Mella pitch, and the young Irish Cecilia McPartland Ten. His paternal grandfather was the general struggles of Dominican independence. None of this information is free to understand the formation of his personality: he met the discrimination against children "natural" as a teenager was able to travel in first class, travel geography, and could have wanted to study in Mexico, was the best-dressed student University of Havana while the largest promoter of university reform, was noted by some as mestizo but was admitted to exclusive club for whites, grew up bilingual listening to the stories of Latin American independence heroes and echo, weak in the voice of the mother, of Irish social struggles, became friends, by family, with Eusebio Hernandez, a veteran of the Cuban independence war and later distinguished university professor , was a disciple of the poet, journalist and politician Mexican Salvador Diaz Miron, was formed politically in the heart of a vibrant labor movement under anarcho hegemony in a country with a significant presence in urban proletariat and the acute problems of the underdeveloped field, could called "Master" as a syndicalist antisectario Alfredo Lopez, one of the few I could talk and recognize the "fraternal enemies," the Communists forged his democratic and socialist ideology in the struggle against dictatorship and oppression against neocolonial, amid the emergence of the avant-garde, the student movement, the women and the worker as such, was subject to his wife while his daughter slept on the cover of a travel bag, held a personal relationship with an intense political avant-garde artist and internationalist fighter known as Tina Modotti and the brutality of the needs of exile.


This amalgamation would give significant benefits to Mella: read the texts of Marxism in their translations English, they were still very few in English, move between different social and cultural contexts, historically well placed to understand the plot revolutionary anticolonial independence when Marxism lived tragic confusion about 'national', enter the political strategy unprecedented in Cuba, to mobilize the nation through a hunger strike, a fact that came in Irish tradition, to combat sectarianism and imagine the unimaginable political alliances for the correction of the time revolutionary, to be dogmatic and then overcome with such agility as depth, understand the legacy of slavery and to make claims the racial civil rights, to help make antingerencismo in anti-imperialism definitely consider Marxism as a philosophy that seeks to invent a world, but to account for the transformation of actually existing, open a new thinking on José Martí and the liberal tradition Cuban revolutionary and so on. Among other things, this is helpful to read Mella: to understand how developed an obsession with freedom-and strategy-achieved socialism.

2 .- Julio Antonio Mella is one of the leading exponents of the founding generation of Latin American Marxism. However, in 2009 the childishness of some their thesis inspires compassion. Mella school enthusiastically repeated several of the positions of positivism and deterministic happened for decades as "Soviet Marxism." In particular, followed the route of determinism was confident the future to the inexorable rules of the story: "The unfolding of history is determined by the forces of production, by the fatal play of economic forces." [1] It is wrong to screams in the understanding of indigenous issues, taking positions of Marxism prohijado by Stalin, in a famous controversy with Victor Raul Haya de la Torre. Understood in outline the profile of intellectual and its role in revolutionary politics, and called "duties" of the intellectual over social issues in language and tone that today produce at least indifference, after causing terror. His thought contains several unresolved contradictions. Having been separated from the direction of the two communist parties in which he played, Cuban and Mexican continued to defend the concept of 'vanguard party', inspired by the social kaustkiana, and continued in part by Leninism, which communicates from an outside-the ideological vanguard, the elite, the leader, the chief political consciousness to the masses and developing subordinates everything of these rhythm and motion profile of the vanguard, while he defended the practice as the only source of revolutionary consciousness. After considering the factory, in the manner of Gramsci, as' the dynamo power generator industrial, social and political 'revolution,' the [...] fundamental lab where communist society is prepared [2] and praising the workers' councils, and the soviet own way as how to organize the scheme of work, adding that "the reorganization of a socialist factory has nothing to envy in terms of administrative and technical perfection, those marvels of U.S. industry " and that "all industrial perfection of capitalism has treated the first socialist state." [3] In that way, end up in the praise of planning governed by the Supreme Council of Economy of the USSR, "National Regulatory production , jealous guardian of the needs of the people, how much to produce and what to produce. "[4] unknowingly repeated the same idea Mella assured for decades that two key victories for the capitalist imagination: a) that the organization economic, "rational, scientific and efficient" capitalism is a technical instrument to serve the economy, not the record of standardization reproduced daily by the order of capitalist power, and b) the view of planning as "jealous guardian 'of the people's needs, which becomes, in the absence of popular participation, bureaucratic planning and assurance of bureaucratic power. Even if, in the wake Marx, Nick was more complex analysis than other authors of his time on the middle class and the peasantry beyond the false dichotomy between "bourgeois against proletarians' - cut across social diversity to a close understanding class. Nick visited the Soviet Union in 1927, when it lived and intense contradictions, and great tragedies, and ended up writing a eulogy guilty of lese candor, as if there had not been heard more than a happy world. Take into account, just for example, this paragraph: "In the USSR a hundred nationalities liberated from the yoke of Tsarist enter the full development of all their artistic talents, alongside that of economic and political and teach us the contribution the national genius of these people bring to the future and heterogeneous international socialist civilization. "[5] But the Cuban revolutionary leader was assassinated by Gerardo Machado not turn 26 years old and barely able to leave, in many cases, the intuitions of genius who quite likely have achieved a synthesis of José Martí and Antonio Gramsci, between Rosa Luxemburg and Augusto César Sandino. Therefore, it is important to read to Mella: to understand many of the "childhood diseases", including the most advanced of the first Latin American Marxism.
3 .- Julio Antonio Mella understood the essence of Marxism: "the emancipation of workers must be the work of the workers themselves." This is the desideratum: found in personal autonomy, and independence of the revolutionary organization, the appeal of freedom. "If you producís all, produce in order, your release and that of all the oppressed." [6] is essential to understand the magnitude of this assertion Mella: the role in the socialist tradition that existed until now has been that of "socialism from above ', with the permanent worship the state and the presence of the figures omniscient enlightened, and the great leaders of mass drivers -which was camouflaged by Soviet Marxism with the labels of "People's State" and "the role of personality in history." Mella combat the reality of political alienation that represents the state in the sense that it is in the works of Marx, strictly contrary to the way he understood the state socialism-when he says: "The state? Only those "blind" not can see what does not suit them they can claim their freedom, fairness in the great social war. "[7] The young revolutionary leader understands that the development of the socialist movement, as" the very movement of persons engaged in paraphrase Rosa Luxembourg, requires at least three conditions: a party that facilitates and coordinates the fight, but not "directed" as an entity "superior" movement, a state machine that recognizes the working association resulting from the fight and expansive development by independent socialist movement. In this socialism from below, the only feasible for maintaining the freedom and continuing narrative, it is essential to defend, always As Nick says, "proclaim our absolute independence of the values \u200b\u200benshrined in the rules that give the patent fossilized" revolutionary ", teachers have been attributed in this twentieth century, the vain claim to be pastors when nobody wants be flock. "[8]" In these times, perhaps better than any other time, the oppressed exact realize this truth. And are realizing that their emancipation can only be the work themselves. No more warlordism, whether it be military, civilian or intellectual. " [...]. The exploited masses will not release nor angels swords or licensed by scholars, intellectuals or by false who call themselves prophets .... "[9] Mella today restores an essential question of Marxism: for whom the revolution, who is the socialism means that it is not free from some to oppress others, but free as a condition for releasing the other: workers, those excluded from work, casual employees, informal workers, but in general, to address not only the differences caused by the place occupied at work, but all differences - inequalities, produced by the mine. Nick recalls that Marxism is a philosophy of justice is not about poverty but about the causes of generation conditions of poverty: the lack of opportunity to intervene in them, as equally a philosophy of freedom, not about more or less poor beings, neither more or less rich, but about men and women more free. Therefore, it is advisable to read Mella: to remain relevant as imperialist thinker, but also to study it as a thinker of socialist democracy. 4 .-

Mella understanding on anti-imperialism is a hard core of his findings, but in comparison, remained lying on his thinking democratic practice of socialist construction. Nick just used the expression "dictatorship of the proletariat." Sometimes used the very contradictory term devised by Lenin: "democratic dictatorship of workers and peasants." Nick seems to have preferred the term "proletarian democracy", whose emphasis on democracy rather than dictatorship is evident. The bottom line here is essential consecrated: nothing in the line to defend Marxism deprived of political rights to the revolutionary factions in conflict, as there is not even, strictly speaking, against the democratic rights of the bourgeoisie, the revolutionary hegemony must resolved, always in the balance of forces across the political construction. Mella dialogue with democratic liberalism is unique: it is mass far from condemning, and calls it to distinguish its political uses. In his university days, describes the advanced students as "the element of healthy, young strong and liberal" [10], questions the "liberal utopians" who believe in the possibility of freedom in modern society, but in April 1928 , at full maturity of his thinking refers to the subversion prepared as "necessary revolution, democratic, liberal and nationalist" [11]. The program of the Association of Cuban Revolutionary New Emigrants (ANERC), an organization founded by Marxist revolutionary Cubans in exile in Mexico and directed by Nick, is explicit in its democratic ideals: "Abolition of despotic military regime that exists today, and organization of political life on a democratic basis, guarantees for the exercise of the rights of assembly, association and free expression of ideas by word and writing to all citizens without distinction of social class or creed; abolition of the death penalty, reforming the Electoral Code, to facilitate the reorganization of political parties and the formation of new, democratic reform of the Constitution. "[12] In his gloss on Marti, Nick elaborates his conception: "What he had said and done [Martí] before the advance of imperialism, to the control of political life and economic imperialism, to the maneuvers of this among the nationals to safeguard their interests? Would have had to repeat his second verse on the error, put it into practice "policy there is no democracy where there is economic justice", would have had to say. "[13] Mella includes the conquest of a social consensus in favor of practices socialism as a process that says step by step in fact the content of his promise: "In politics and economics as" within the shell of today's society is forming the new. " Cooperatives, unions, labor parties, schools proletarian revolutionary editorials, etc., are a demonstration of the future proletarian democracy. "[14] In other words, they should be. It is therefore important to read to Mella, to reset the theory of socialism with the need for "democracy without end", that is, permanent democratization of democracy.

5 .- When Nick says with Bakunin and Marx, the emancipation of workers must be the work of themselves in conflict with Marxism institutionalized at the time. In this thesis suggests the need for independence of the revolutionary organization. Nick was one of the main leaders of the Communist Party of Mexico (PCM), and faced the right wing of the party, was denounced as a young vacillating and treacherous in ideological-that is, accused of being a Trotskyist. Without being a follower of Trotsky open, said two major sources of tension with the PCM: the first one, about the issue and union workers, and the second on his project to prepare an armed insurrection which landed in Cuba to fight armed revolution against Machado. Along with Diego Rivera, advocated a policy against corrupt union workers and delivered to the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (CROM) would get so far successful: the Comintern obtained permission for the birth of the International Trade Union Confederation of Mexico, real victory revolutionary bases against union workers 'yellow' hegemony of Louis N. Morones, who called Luis popular saying "Millions", for the life of "proletarian leader" millionaire. However, shortly after Nick would be charged for the right of the PCM, which called for his expulsion, the "crime of working against the party line" and was dismissed from his post at the address of that party. In this atmosphere, the PCM denied any support for the insurrection in Cuba, in the context of Soviet policy not to encourage uprisings in the backyard of the United States. Mella suspended all cooperation with the Party and continued with his project, against, again, held by the revolutionary theory and politics of the International sacrosanct. In the hundreds of pages written by Mella not a single mention of Stalin. Known for his trip to the USSR, and Andreu Nin during his stay in Moscow, and thus first-hand about the conflict between Stalin and Trotsky and approaches of the Left Opposition, which, in the defense of Bolshevism and the USSR, fought the policy of Stalin. Mella denied in an official way to follow his argument and denied any affiliation to Trotskyism. But the accusation of being so doggedly pursue. However, you do not chew their texts to claim their compromises with the founder of the Red Army beyond the terms of admiration that always works and works of Trotsky winks appeared in several of his works, for that admiration for Trotsky is the feel, heightened by Lenin: the militancy in revolutionary Marxism. In fact, Mella lucidly critical deformations. Haya de la Torre When attempting a juggling game, "the emancipation of Latin Americans must be the work of Latin Americans themselves," the Cuban leader understands that this parody changes the meaning of the revolutionary ideal and restores a sense: it is the emancipation of nations and people: the participants of oppressed and the oppressed nationalities. [15] Given the collaborationist, strategy and tactics Mexican labor movement organized in the CROM, whose philosophy can be summed up in this phrase Vicente Lombardo Toledano, "the labor movement must penetrate to those organizations that are instruments of capital improvements to conquer," Mella asked a question which has kept effective "Who uses whom?", [16] to elucidate the dilemma of how to relate the revolutionary organizations in the institutional apparatus of the bourgeois system. The debate on this point reaches extreme positions from the solution to the integration off on pro-establishment. Mella's position appears, in principle, prudent. "We are in favor working in organizations capable of revving, all agencies with workers and peasants or mass revolutionary elements. "[17] Nick recalls that sets conditions of revolutionary strategy, non-ferrous limits, which serves the development of practice and not the conservation of the "purity" of ideology, this pretext authoritarian. The problem is more serious if the political environment offers benefits to the labor movement, as with the type of government called "progressive", which make up the capitalist system demands class and get with it demobilize the workers' struggles and confuse your profile. Class independence of the organization is the antidote Mella against disarmament, co-opted the labor movement, but there has to be understood as "sectarianism" in class. In fact, Nick is faced with the policy of 'class against class "advocated by the Communist International and imagined political alliances keys to success in terms of the Cuban social fabric:" The Communists in Cuba, not merge with the Nationalist Party [ member of the bourgeois opposition to the dictator Machado], keeping the independence of the proletarian movement [,] would support a revolutionary struggle for national emancipation true, if this struggle is carried out. "[18] Mella not lose the guide: what can not is to leave "the working class alone or delivered to the other classes [that] when conditions change-as is now happening in Mexico - is an orphan and without direction." [19] Therefore, it is necessary to view Mella : to understand that without political independence of the state, and institutional system, the socialist movement becomes the beggar king, is the Sun King or King city. 6 .- Mella

classical Marxism provides a fundamental strength to challenge Eurocentrism from which it spread in the early decades of the twentieth century and to enable you to understand the emerging world of colonial rule: the idea and practice of nationalism revolutionary. In times of Mella, were not known in Latin America, all Marx's writings on Russia, India and Ireland, or of Lenin addressing the East, which years later would a lecture on the interdependence between capitalism and colonialism and the history social formations not focused on the capitalist West as the only tool of civilization evolution. In times of Mella workers "had no homeland." The Socialist Workers homeland, or was the world, or was a bourgeois invention. According to Nick, this policy was justified "by the fact that socialism is an internationalist and operators do not have to fight for the independence of their country, but nothing else in its class. They forget that to become independent working class must first be emancipated as a nation. "[20] Mella is the one who first launched in Cuba intensive historical and political effectiveness in the reconstruction and recovery of the concept of homeland, the more accuracy of the concept of nation to socialism, while to many Cuba was a country whose first aspiration was to become just a nation. Mella retrieves the patriotic tradition of struggles for national independence in the nineteenth century and merged with the ideal of social liberation in the key of the emancipation of class domination. Therefore, reading about Martí is as original as a belligerent, the project is to replace "the rich for the rich foreign national." [21] Nick says: "All of Cuba is now a Baire. Plus, for the next "Scream" can not be betrayed, to be a truly popular and democratic we add the complement of "To the workers." It will not be Cuba Libre ...! for new tyrants but for workers. Who says a Democrat, progressive, revolutionary in the true sense of respect: Cuba Libre, for the workers! This is the only way to apply the principles of the Revolutionary Party [Cuban José Martí] from 1895 to 1928 ". [22] this, Nick reached understandings that will serve as the ideological basis for the two social revolutions that Cuba will experience after death: the 1930 and 1959: "The cause of the proletariat is the national cause" and "only the new revolution will release [a Cuba] of colonialism. "[23] Therefore, it is necessary to view Mella: for being an anti-colonial thinker, a precursor of today's debates about the nationalities oppressed as subjects of political change being a socialist thinker, achieved the synthesis explains how each element is no longer what it was communicating nationalism to internationalism and the motherland and the nation no longer a project to become oligarchic and white in a popular project and mestizo.

7 .- Nick went, from the student movement, the university reform in Cuba after 1922 and realized that his advances cash was linked to the rise of a social revolution. After the first time reformer, with claims aimed at the university level in particular, Nick says: "What characterizes the University Revolution is your desire to be a social movement, of engaging with the soul and needs of the oppressed, to get out of hand reaction, through "no man's land" and be brave and noble, in the ranks of the social revolution in the vanguard of the proletariat. "[24] His thinking education has a fixation: the monopoly of culture usurps the democratic possibility, as his tactics on the revolution has another obsession: to prevent the contents of the revolution can be isolated from each other. If you are isolated, and strains of viruses are fought with thoroughness. If the university reform does not transit to the social revolution, end up getting, perhaps, some corporate advantages without achieving essentially seeking, if the social revolution does not go through the university reform, culture is incommunicado in the future. Nick thinks the school organization as a dimension of democracy and considers essential: a) making access to school, right from which creates the Popular University Jose Marti, b) subjecting the school organization's rules functioning democracy that aspires for the life of society as a whole, and c) understand that "the final emancipation of culture and its institutions can not be done but together with the emancipation of the slaves of modern production "[25], or in conjunction with the introduction of the system of free labor. Here is a method to address this policy. Nick followed the custom of his time-it is still ours, of using feminine attributes as equally degrading veiled references to homosexuality, when polemic and sought to qualify as negative. Whoever wants to vindicate the dignity of difference, not always find in him a defender, but is entitled to a strategy: the link between the struggles and flow between its contents. Therefore, read Mella A key to focus on an essential point of today: socialism, without policy towards differences, no strategy to get along with society, but the politics of difference, but found to socialism, no horizon. 8 .- Mella

fought, to cost him his life, against the system, but also rose up against everyday domination, against the power of the teacher in the school system against their own father for paying low wages to their employees, as also lived rebellion over its own membership in revolutionary organizations. He was one of the founders of the Board of the Student Federation of the University of Havana, after his presidency and soon took was forced to resign, accused of authoritarianism, for his radicalism and his growing immersion in the world of revolutionary syndicalism, found strong resistance in the student movement. On the other hand, was one of the founders of the first Communist Party of Cuba, and only a few months after its creation was separated from him for staging a hunger strike for 19 days, which led the brink of death shocked the country and reached the mainland, because of the irresponsibility of their actions "individualistic", "unwise" and lacking "class solidarity", as rated by his party. In both cases, Nick managed to preserve the dignity in defeat. The young leader won, far from denying his name three times, emerge from these battles with the forces of consequence: to understand that discipline is not submission and be able to negotiate from the beginning without forgetting that politics is a matter of millions, how he learned Lenin. The revolutionary it is also against the forms of revolutionary organization, therefore reconstructs the concept discipline and loyalty, "the revolutionary" negotiated "with the fact that it comprises the victory as the dialectic between the construction of hegemony and the capture of the revolutionary moment:" The important thing, "said Mella not think we're going to make the revolution within minutes, but if we are able to take advantage of the historical moment when he fatally arrives. No lottery is a revolution: it is a fixed-term payment but ignored the exact day. The Russian Bolshevik (sic), Cubans in the last century had no mass organization acting daily. But the cell of revolutionaries great time '. [26] Therefore, it is helpful to read Nick: because it departs from the tradition Blanqui, and the political culture of Jacobinism, as a conspirator or enlightened vanguard group that makes the revolution and then distributed as a sacred trust the people, but that means both need to build the political and radical way to exploit the time of revolutionary possibility. 9 .- Mella

misunderstood the relationship between imperialism and capitalism. He used the term "capitalist imperialism" to define the process, imperialism does not qualify as an epiphenomenon, a secondary fact which continues to influence the principal without him, but a new phase of capitalism, the Lenin's way. Thus both terms are necessary to explain each. Thus, a lucid glimpse subordinating the development of capitalism in Cuba to the development of imperialism in Latin America. Mella says: "In every case like America. Does not hold a government without the will of the United States, as the support of U.S. gold is stronger than the vote of the people concerned. Today people are nothing, and that society is made to be ruled by the dollar and not the citizen. We must make the revolution of the citizens, peoples, against the dollar "[27] with high-sounding words in the contemporary Latin American discourse, which claims the need Speed \u200b\u200bcitizens, faced with the abolition of politics as public affairs, in favor of private-destructive pursuit of the possibility of individual freedom as a fact, social and national-in the hands of large transnational corporations, or local interests transnationalized. Mella located the "evils of Cuba's economic structure" and dependency fatal "one big industry monopolized by foreign capitalism." [28] Consequently, the program Mella, through ANERC seeks to diversify the ownership and production: "the distribution of land to poor peasants and ruined settlers to create an independent agricultural economy and national. "[29] To this end, sponsor" cooperation in production, the use of agricultural machinery and sale of products "and the creation of a National Bank Agricultural Spare under control peasant organizations themselves. At all times, Mella reinforces the need for workers' control over the production process, "direct and effective participation of organizations of settlers and workers in the agencies responsible for regulating the production of sugar, so that the measures take are not made, as now, only for large sugar interests at the expense of the interests of the proletariat and semi-proletariat ', [30] and promote appropriate legislation for the formation of a truly independent national trade and industry, while claiming to revise the Commercial Treaty with the United States. The denunciation of imperialism and capitalism reaches and criticism of his vision of civilization. Mella strongly opposed the death penalty: "lift up our cry of protest against the terror begins, with the useless severity, with the crime committed in the name of the archaic law and against the principles of the new science." [ 31] He fought stubbornly racial discrimination and said instead of black in Cuban history and society, and foreshadowed some of the problems that came to our days under the label of "Quinto Centenario" in regard to the role of the exploitation of indigenous people in the development of capitalism and what he refers to the historical responsibility of Spain with the colonization of America. Nick thought that the technological revolution in itself would bring greater opportunities for social revolution, no more complex to analyze how it can also be used to zoom out, as has happened in the Western capitalist world after the French Revolution, but this approach also Sharp escapes contempt, coming from a vast ignorance and regimentation of knowledge, which kept many left to the technical developments of his time. I wanted to put it to socialism in the course of the technological revolution and not to tow her, knowing that socialism can not be the image of the ignorant man who looks enraptured field development, alien and incomprehensible, mythological beings city-civilization-capitalism. At the same time, advocates a socialist politics of the sport that is opposed to the criterion of market competition as athlete's physical annihilation liar as you worship the health of the athlete. It is therefore important to read Mella, to bring the imperialist domination in the field more generally, cultural, capitalist domination and understand the map operation, and to reposition the terms "civilization and barbarism." Contrary to the tradition that links the West and modernizing capitalism with civilization and barbarism to the continent's original tradition, Mella said that civilization is socialism and its defeat is the triumph of capitalist barbarism: "The worker understands each again between him and nature, there must be an intruder out of the way: the capitalist ", [32] writes with a deep echo of the footsteps left by José Martí on the subject.

11 .- For a long time, responsibility for the death of Mella has been awarded to Stalinism in the figure of Vittorio Vidali, presented by some as a romantic hero, the famous commander Carlos Contreras in the fight for the English Republic, "and by others as grotesque murderer, involving, inter alia, in the death of Trotsky and Andreu Nin. Allegedly, he snapped one day Vidali Mella, beside himself: "Never forget: the International comes in two ways, or expelled or killed!". Historians Adys Cupull, Froilan Gonzalez, Rolando Rodriguez and Christine Hatzky have provided definitive evidence about the murder of Mella. They provide comprehensive information about the plot implemented by Machado to run after contracting for the Cuban efforts José Magriñat and after getting rid of several politicians who, even in the midst of Machado, had opposed on to negotiate the extradition of Nick to Cuba, then to pretend to buy for bribery and even more to kill him. Cuban witnesses determination to kill Nick Machado told about his cold and unbending resolve to end the life of the leader and about the process that led to the fatal outcome. However, both versions explain better the lives of his death Mella: explain everything on its revolutionary character. Enemy of the despots of the oligarchies, the tyrants of capitalism, and the gravediggers fans revolutions. He was killed by Machado, but the child was never accepted by Soviet communism. Julio Antonio Mella personifies the image of the true revolutionary, who is forced to be a rebel, in the words of Fernando Martínez Heredia, in order to be a revolutionary. There are already many mistakes in his life, but it is very difficult to find its option not always located on the left of the spectrum had a revolutionary. Being a rebel is the only way to be revolutionary. The revolutionary, for being, is a bastard son of the official culture of his time, his ideas are upstart to the accepted theory, his stances are always uncomfortable for the bureaucracies that claim and even imagine themselves as revolutionaries. Nick was the son "bastard" who aspired to a socialism that, although it seems an impossibility after the story of the twentieth century, still can and should announce "with all and for the good of all" as the news of his triumph. His thought nourished the imagination of the only successful socialist revolution in the West, the Cuban Revolution of 1959, when this should be very rebellious about the official culture of his time to be a revolution. But Nick does not serve only to legitimize a glorious past, his thought-and especially his attitude, must accompany the anxiety of the experiments needed to revolutions of the future: these will not be without full nature rebellion. Therefore, it is essential to read Julio Antonio Mella: by how much he should go in America yet.

Havana, May 2009

* Introduction to Julio Antonio Mella. Selected texts, an anthology being edited by Southern Ocean, with selection and introduction of Julio César Guanche.

[1] "The cry of the martyrs." All the above texts belonging to Julio Antonio Mella.
[2] "Paintings of the Soviet Union."
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] "Message to the People's University partners."
[7] "The students and the social struggle."
[8] "New route to the students."
[9] Ibid.
[10] "The social function of the university."
[11] "Whither Cuba?".
[12] "Our proposed program to unite the Cuban people to take immediate action for the restoration of democracy."
[13] "Glosses to the thinking of José Martí."
[14] "The students and the social struggle."
[15] "What is ARPA?."
[16] "How to interpret the Labour anti-imperialist struggle."
[17] Ibid.
[18] "What is ARPA?."
[19] In this regard, Mella also adds: "The laborer is fooling believing that it will emancipate within capitalist society, without violence, without government workers and peasants, not socialism, but never to Communism." "Capitalism and labor saving formula."
[20] 'The V Conference American Workers. "
[21] "The new freedom."
[22] "The reason for our name."
[23] "The new liberators" and "Whither Cuba?".
[24] "The students and the social struggle."
[25] "The socialist concept of university reform."
[26] "Letter to Sarah Pascual"
[27] "Cuba: people that has never been free. "
[28] "Our proposed program to unite the Cuban people to take immediate action for the restoration of democracy."
[29] Ibid.
[30] Ibid.
[31] "The prejudices of the barbarous age. The death penalty and official crimes. "
[32] "The air domain."

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Friday, July 10, 2009

Schwinn Spinnerbottom Bracket

GLOBAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM AND SOCIALISM IN CONSTRUCTION OF VENEZUELA: COMMUNITY AND ECONOMIC COMMUNITY, PLANNING AND BUDGETING. Private Media


Patiño Rafael Enciso. Caracas. June 5, 2009.
In a perspective of transition from capitalism to socialism in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, organized people in communal councils, communes, workers' councils and networks Commodity Producers must participate in planning all aspects of life in its political, social, cultural, economic and environmental.

The participatory democracy of the population is real, not just when they vote to elect their leaders, if not in many other decisions of a newspaper, which affect their daily lives. In particular, when participating in the preparation of development plans and budgets of a locality or territory in budgets, annual work plans and the distribution of surplus property of a Social Enterprise (EPS), a Council Community, or in the near future, in social communities, now in early stages of construction.



Through plans and budgets of the social and economic organizations, are deciding where it wants to advance society, which wants to solve problems or needs, that aspiration is to achieve, how you achieve these goals and at what time; that workers participate in achieving the objectives, with what resources will have to do and how to distribute available resources among the various programs, projects and activities to be executed, then how to distribute the surplus generated by social work.

Venezuela rentier economy

In the case of Venezuela, working people supported the revolutionary government of President Chavez, which devotes significant resources to support projects of Community Councils, which come mostly of oil revenues. The latter circumstance is that the economy was distorted and productive for 500 years strongly constrained by the policies of imperialism and the oligarchies, which turned Venezuela into a subordinate and dependent: crude oil exporter and importer of consumer almost everything needed for life, especially food and manufactured goods: luxury and oligarchies, medium and low quality for the rest of the population.

Alienation and capitalist consumerism, destruction of productive culture

The sale, use and consumption of imported goods, was consistently promoted throughout Latin America by the mass media: radio from the mid- 30's, film and television from the 50's of last century. Manipulating consciences and making wishes, the U.S. and Europe imposed on us part of their lifestyle and consumption patterns, and the neoliberal globalization model implemented from the 70 twentieth century, replaced the existing low domestic production and imports, with which its economy and its profits grew and unemployment levels were relatively low.
So, destroyed or severely decreased the productive culture of the population, both agricultural and industrial dependent countries (including Venezuela), stimulated migration to the city and were the cause of chronic unemployment, lack of income for the population , poverty and extreme poverty, social decay and widespread criminality.

Much of the population was alienated and forced to adapt to live without producing, "or producing very little, in work connected with the trade and services (except for those related to the oil) in a rentier economy, where most of government revenue from oil sales. This is extracted from the ground through the work, but is not produced by him but by nature. Their prices are determined on the world market supply and demand, and speculative movements of large financial and industrial capital. Finally, high oil prices (which are formed when they gather many of the circumstances referred to above, plus a strong organization and coordinated policies of exporting countries) are paid by workers the planet, the capitalists who move their costs, by increasing the final price of any goods whose production uses energy from fossil fuels.


rent-seeking and political patronage, harmful legacy of the Fourth Republic

Income is distributed through the state apparatus, which in the capitalist system is an instrument of oppression and manipulation of people. One of its most obnoxious and alienating the political patronage, which has been widespread in capitalism and, unfortunately, still applies in part on Venezuela for more than a few "politicians" and public officials reproductive system of capitalist exploitation, we will deal with the Bolivarian Socialism, whose cultural and material bases are built gradually with the Simon Bolivar National Plan 2007-2013 and its projection to 2019.
Political patronage is blackmail. Is buying of votes and the consciousness of citizens, the manipulation of citizens' political action with state resources, "if you help to choose and vote for a particular politician, then your child will have the scholarship, or you have a job a ministry or public institution, have the desired increase in pay, or you will become permanent employees, have access to a housing and housing policy, etc.., etc. "And so, in all aspects of life. This is something that must be paid entirely from the political traditions in Venezuela, if we want a Socialist State Community and serve the people and not a state and a people service operators, bureaucrats and corrupt.


has improved the quality of life of people

As a result of the policies of the revolutionary government of President Chavez and the restructuring of international relations in the country to regain national sovereignty, its impact on the policies of OPEC, the rising oil prices in the international market to overcome the coup in 2002 and hit oil in 2002 - 2003 by the revolutionary mass action and the brave people of Venezuela and its military, the country was between 2005 and 2008 with large foreign exchange earnings.
With these resources, although there is still much corruption within the state and its institutions, has significantly improved the quality of life of the people, to invest heavily in social services: food, health, education and culture (social missions ) in infrastructure and in the creation - with the support of allies like China, Russia, Iran and Argentina, the foundations of a domestic industry capable of, "if managed with socialist orientation, to meet the needs of the population and strengthen the medium-term national sovereignty.



world capitalist crisis and need to overcome the rentier economy with a productive economy communal, social and sustainable

But the situation has changed dramatically: the global crisis of capitalism, with its financial and economic terms, with epicenter in industrialized countries, and global warming is affecting the planet with all its inhabitants, has a strong effect on Venezuela for its impact on the national budget. Oil prices fell in February 2009 to less than $ 40 a barrel, when they were estimated at $ 60 in the national budget for the same period. In previous years the price reached $ 150.

This forced the President and National Assembly to adjust the budget in February 2009 and to raise VAT from 9% to 14%, affecting the amount of available resources for the implementation of many national projects, budgets and development plans of governments and municipalities, and the purchasing power of workers. Nevertheless, investment in social spending remained, thanks to strong international reserves accumulated over several years and development funds created by President Chávez.

The price of crude has risen slowly since March to reach $ 60 in June 2009 and is expected to settle at $ 70 at the end of the year. But the deepening crisis, and converted into a recession, which slows down and even forced to reduce production in the most powerful industrial capitalist countries of Europe, America and Japan, could push prices back down. It is a situation of uncertainty. The building of socialism requires planning and no uncertainty. Or in any case, every day more planning and less uncertainty.

For this, and because the stage current revolution is essential to create new social relations with socialist values \u200b\u200bin the integrated processes of financing, production, distribution, exchange and consumption, planning and participatory budgeting can not rely on identifying the needs and aspirations of the community, defining priorities to request the State, the resources to meet them. This creates dependence on government and non-responsibility between State and Community; disability community and its members. Parasitism and social alienation. Encourages political patronage, bureaucracy and corruption.

is essential to create, with active participation of village economy in transition to socialism, production and services, able to sustainably meet their material and cultural needs, and create the best conditions for maximum stability, security and happiness possible. Thereby advance the true construction of the People, which is necessarily socialist, and the minimization of political patronage, which reproduces the old bourgeois state, which in turn, reproduces the main operating bases of metabolic and reproductive capital: a. Social division and the hierarchical structure of work, b. C. social alienation and The private ownership of the basic means of production. This can be done through Social Owned Enterprises (EPS) with socialist administration, which can be direct social property (commune), indirect (State) or mixed, they combine the social ownership of the communes, with of the state.


Participatory planning, popular power and communal economy

organized communities should be planned with intelligence: how to meet needs as a priority and investing in a sustainable manner, government resources, complemented with forms of community self-financing.
is not only produce things, material goods, must occur at the same time, products and culture socialist promote local endogenous development and regional socialist become less dependent on both the support of the state as imports, since, with several strategically important reasons, should return to a situation of low oil prices the world market, and to the extent that international reserves will decline and social funds, there will be fewer currencies available and therefore is only possible to import essential.

In other words, the People's Communes and the socialist content only exist in a real way, if you have a productive economy, in which the public and workers of a territory, together with the state to local or regional level, take fundamental decisions about: what to produce, how and with what model of management, how to distribute the result of work and how to allocate the surplus generated in the process of financing, production, processing , distribution and consumption.

As President Chávez has directed, this economy must be specified in Direct Social Owned Enterprises (commune) with Socialist management, linked to the productive chains and partner networks in your field or industry. In them, the Indirect Social Property Enterprises (State) play a major role, which must also be structured other forms of property social and private (including cooperatives).

This applies in all sectors of the economy but, in this incipient period (though critical) transition from capitalism to socialism, they should give priority to: the sovereignty and people's food security, health, education and culture, housing, the right to decent work, not alienated or exploited; and daily delivery services of all kinds to the public through multiple trades workers organized interdisciplinary way in EPS: masonry, plumbing, electrical, carpentry , etc., etc.

key criteria for selecting projects Social Owned Enterprises (EPS) to finance

As mentioned above, in the midst of economic crisis and overall global capitalist system and its outreach to Venezuela in various fields of economic, social, political, cultural and military, and taking into account: a.

The cuts made to the national budget and therefore to all governors, mayors and state institutions;
b. The accumulated historical experience and approaches of President Chávez on political economy broadcast on television and wrote weekly "Chavez Lines"
c. Socialist logic Community minimum necessary

propose the following general tips in later writings that will be applied specifically and explaining the issue of sovereignty and food security:

• EPS projects may only be financed by the state through Single System of Financing of Community Councils (SAFONAC) INAPIMI, BANDES, BANFOANDES, BANMUJER, etc., whether between different technical requirements and mandatory, (which can not be the same as those required for capital projects) have been formulated with active participation of social actors who are going to run as well as those to be affected or influenced by their activity, and also for the recipients of your products or services.
• That some spokesmen of Community Councils and key community leaders in the formulation of the project are financed by public institutions on a temporary basis. Thus they could devote the necessary time to contribute effectively in the formulation of projects of some complexity, which require considerable time and effort, as could be, for example: agro-processing plants, deposits communal building materials and hardware; housing projects community, the Community market. • All projects
EPS for the same state, or to be developed in the territory of a community under construction, should be considered in an interrelated way and systemic. This can be reflected in a matrix built collectively (with their own methodologies) with joint participation of members of public, community councils and other existing social organizations. Subsequently be developed in its many aspects and dimensions.
• Focus on a few priority projects, the existing manpower and resources of all types available (or likely to get): financial, technical, natural, environmental, infrastructure, etc.., to achieve real success stories of building a socialist economy and culture will serve as a reference and comparison factor. The initial successes, will create a favorable social and political environment for future projects EPS.

• These projects must be located in areas where there the best social and political conditions to advance socialist construction. For example, well-organized communal councils and really active, PSUV well directed and attuned to the population, Mayor revolutionary Socialist Training School, etc.., Together with the technical conditions required by pre-feasibility study.

• These projects will be approved only if they have been designed in an integrated way (those that are incomplete must complete.) Should contain all the productive chain and partner network (although some links may already exist and only then missing items), because otherwise, as experience shows, will be subordinated and made by monopolies links in the reproduction of capitalism.

• The socio-productive chains and networks should include: a.

Funding. B.
Primary production (agriculture, livestock, fisheries, forestry or mining). C.
The collection and transport. D.
Industrial processing and agribusiness. E.
Distribution. F.
The Exchange. G.
Final consumption.
h. The distribution of surpluses. I.
Training in social management and training.

PNSB • According to 2007-2013 and presidential guidance, participation in these projects and its production partner networks, various forms of ownership (including private, which are part of cooperatives), but ensuring the hegemony of Social Property: Indirect (State) and Direct (communities) on private property, so basically, the final results in terms of products and services (access, quality and price) and the distribution of surplus to benefit the people and the State to its service, and serve to create a productive economy with social relations of production, distribution, exchange and consumption, with a socialist orientation.

• The structural links of the chains, (ie, that determine the strategic direction of the same) should be socially owned, direct, indirect, or mixed between the two, and if private participation, this should always be minority.

• Apply a matrix management model Socialist (See Polyether Magazine year 1, 2009, No. 5, Training and Management Socialist Conclusions of the third national seminar on management training and socialist, Page No. 40) to draft and refine EPS with social participation, ie the subjects that will be involved in its implementation. This should be a compulsory and will be a collective learning process of building socialism and planned with social participation. If these conditions do not exist is better to withdraw from the project concerned.

• Each project must have for their development and correct orientation, with at least one mid-level political picture socialist trained and proven political will (hopefully also with vocational training and technical information to the project) and have included as an essential element, the creation of a Socialist training school for all social subjects participating in the production chain and partner network in question. If this is not true, it makes no sense for the Government that the project is financed by the state, because only generate more capital.

• To form the set of tables requires the existence of a Socialist School state or regional level, with a didactic training program for facilitators who will work in all other socialist training schools: The state, of Company Social Property (EPS) chain and partner network productive freely associated producers, Community Councils and Communities, of Ministries, governors and mayors.

• Using mass media to disseminate the projects and their subsequent achievements, facilitating the intercommunication of social subjects and training in the management model socialist, workers of enterprises and other economic units linked to the networks, partner networks and communities productive.

These suggestions may be added many others, emerged from the diverse experiences in a particular situation in each state or region, or different population groups, as they could be the communities of African descent, indigenous, peasant, women, youth, the homeless, prisoners, alternative media, etc.

is important to consider the possibility of linking the maximum possible in these projects to revolutionary political paintings (some of which also can be professionals and technicians) from the ALBA countries, and social organizations of Latin America and the Caribbean that are related to the Bolivarian socialist revolution, as this will be an important supportive process, twinning of towns, to build together the greatest potential for liberating the people, communities and individuals the continent.


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