Julio César Guanche and I. - Julio Antonio Mella was born on March 25, 1903 in Cuba. In the Greater Antilles neocolonial happened the first experiment on a planetary level, retained the status of a country dominated for a metropolis and was laboratory to structure in the twentieth century more generally the status of dependent capitalist development. In their family environment, Nick was born as a child "bastard" of the extramarital affair between a wealthy tailor, Nicanor Mella pitch, and the young Irish Cecilia McPartland Ten. His paternal grandfather was the general struggles of Dominican independence. None of this information is free to understand the formation of his personality: he met the discrimination against children "natural" as a teenager was able to travel in first class, travel geography, and could have wanted to study in Mexico, was the best-dressed student University of Havana while the largest promoter of university reform, was noted by some as mestizo but was admitted to exclusive club for whites, grew up bilingual listening to the stories of Latin American independence heroes and echo, weak in the voice of the mother, of Irish social struggles, became friends, by family, with Eusebio Hernandez, a veteran of the Cuban independence war and later distinguished university professor , was a disciple of the poet, journalist and politician Mexican Salvador Diaz Miron, was formed politically in the heart of a vibrant labor movement under anarcho hegemony in a country with a significant presence in urban proletariat and the acute problems of the underdeveloped field, could called "Master" as a syndicalist antisectario Alfredo Lopez, one of the few I could talk and recognize the "fraternal enemies," the Communists forged his democratic and socialist ideology in the struggle against dictatorship and oppression against neocolonial, amid the emergence of the avant-garde, the student movement, the women and the worker as such, was subject to his wife while his daughter slept on the cover of a travel bag, held a personal relationship with an intense political avant-garde artist and internationalist fighter known as Tina Modotti and the brutality of the needs of exile.
This amalgamation would give significant benefits to Mella: read the texts of Marxism in their translations English, they were still very few in English, move between different social and cultural contexts, historically well placed to understand the plot revolutionary anticolonial independence when Marxism lived tragic confusion about 'national', enter the political strategy unprecedented in Cuba, to mobilize the nation through a hunger strike, a fact that came in Irish tradition, to combat sectarianism and imagine the unimaginable political alliances for the correction of the time revolutionary, to be dogmatic and then overcome with such agility as depth, understand the legacy of slavery and to make claims the racial civil rights, to help make antingerencismo in anti-imperialism definitely consider Marxism as a philosophy that seeks to invent a world, but to account for the transformation of actually existing, open a new thinking on José Martí and the liberal tradition Cuban revolutionary and so on. Among other things, this is helpful to read Mella: to understand how developed an obsession with freedom-and strategy-achieved socialism.
2 .- Julio Antonio Mella is one of the leading exponents of the founding generation of Latin American Marxism. However, in 2009 the childishness of some their thesis inspires compassion. Mella school enthusiastically repeated several of the positions of positivism and deterministic happened for decades as "Soviet Marxism." In particular, followed the route of determinism was confident the future to the inexorable rules of the story: "The unfolding of history is determined by the forces of production, by the fatal play of economic forces." [1] It is wrong to screams in the understanding of indigenous issues, taking positions of Marxism prohijado by Stalin, in a famous controversy with Victor Raul Haya de la Torre. Understood in outline the profile of intellectual and its role in revolutionary politics, and called "duties" of the intellectual over social issues in language and tone that today produce at least indifference, after causing terror. His thought contains several unresolved contradictions. Having been separated from the direction of the two communist parties in which he played, Cuban and Mexican continued to defend the concept of 'vanguard party', inspired by the social kaustkiana, and continued in part by Leninism, which communicates from an outside-the ideological vanguard, the elite, the leader, the chief political consciousness to the masses and developing subordinates everything of these rhythm and motion profile of the vanguard, while he defended the practice as the only source of revolutionary consciousness. After considering the factory, in the manner of Gramsci, as' the dynamo power generator industrial, social and political 'revolution,' the [...] fundamental lab where communist society is prepared [2] and praising the workers' councils, and the soviet own way as how to organize the scheme of work, adding that "the reorganization of a socialist factory has nothing to envy in terms of administrative and technical perfection, those marvels of U.S. industry " and that "all industrial perfection of capitalism has treated the first socialist state." [3] In that way, end up in the praise of planning governed by the Supreme Council of Economy of the USSR, "National Regulatory production , jealous guardian of the needs of the people, how much to produce and what to produce. "[4] unknowingly repeated the same idea Mella assured for decades that two key victories for the capitalist imagination: a) that the organization economic, "rational, scientific and efficient" capitalism is a technical instrument to serve the economy, not the record of standardization reproduced daily by the order of capitalist power, and b) the view of planning as "jealous guardian 'of the people's needs, which becomes, in the absence of popular participation, bureaucratic planning and assurance of bureaucratic power. Even if, in the wake Marx, Nick was more complex analysis than other authors of his time on the middle class and the peasantry beyond the false dichotomy between "bourgeois against proletarians' - cut across social diversity to a close understanding class. Nick visited the Soviet Union in 1927, when it lived and intense contradictions, and great tragedies, and ended up writing a eulogy guilty of lese candor, as if there had not been heard more than a happy world. Take into account, just for example, this paragraph: "In the USSR a hundred nationalities liberated from the yoke of Tsarist enter the full development of all their artistic talents, alongside that of economic and political and teach us the contribution the national genius of these people bring to the future and heterogeneous international socialist civilization. "[5] But the Cuban revolutionary leader was assassinated by Gerardo Machado not turn 26 years old and barely able to leave, in many cases, the intuitions of genius who quite likely have achieved a synthesis of José Martí and Antonio Gramsci, between Rosa Luxemburg and Augusto César Sandino. Therefore, it is important to read to Mella: to understand many of the "childhood diseases", including the most advanced of the first Latin American Marxism.
3 .- Julio Antonio Mella understood the essence of Marxism: "the emancipation of workers must be the work of the workers themselves." This is the desideratum: found in personal autonomy, and independence of the revolutionary organization, the appeal of freedom. "If you producís all, produce in order, your release and that of all the oppressed." [6] is essential to understand the magnitude of this assertion Mella: the role in the socialist tradition that existed until now has been that of "socialism from above ', with the permanent worship the state and the presence of the figures omniscient enlightened, and the great leaders of mass drivers -which was camouflaged by Soviet Marxism with the labels of "People's State" and "the role of personality in history." Mella combat the reality of political alienation that represents the state in the sense that it is in the works of Marx, strictly contrary to the way he understood the state socialism-when he says: "The state? Only those "blind" not can see what does not suit them they can claim their freedom, fairness in the great social war. "[7] The young revolutionary leader understands that the development of the socialist movement, as" the very movement of persons engaged in paraphrase Rosa Luxembourg, requires at least three conditions: a party that facilitates and coordinates the fight, but not "directed" as an entity "superior" movement, a state machine that recognizes the working association resulting from the fight and expansive development by independent socialist movement. In this socialism from below, the only feasible for maintaining the freedom and continuing narrative, it is essential to defend, always As Nick says, "proclaim our absolute independence of the values \u200b\u200benshrined in the rules that give the patent fossilized" revolutionary ", teachers have been attributed in this twentieth century, the vain claim to be pastors when nobody wants be flock. "[8]" In these times, perhaps better than any other time, the oppressed exact realize this truth. And are realizing that their emancipation can only be the work themselves. No more warlordism, whether it be military, civilian or intellectual. " [...]. The exploited masses will not release nor angels swords or licensed by scholars, intellectuals or by false who call themselves prophets .... "[9] Mella today restores an essential question of Marxism: for whom the revolution, who is the socialism means that it is not free from some to oppress others, but free as a condition for releasing the other: workers, those excluded from work, casual employees, informal workers, but in general, to address not only the differences caused by the place occupied at work, but all differences - inequalities, produced by the mine. Nick recalls that Marxism is a philosophy of justice is not about poverty but about the causes of generation conditions of poverty: the lack of opportunity to intervene in them, as equally a philosophy of freedom, not about more or less poor beings, neither more or less rich, but about men and women more free. Therefore, it is advisable to read Mella: to remain relevant as imperialist thinker, but also to study it as a thinker of socialist democracy. 4 .-
Mella understanding on anti-imperialism is a hard core of his findings, but in comparison, remained lying on his thinking democratic practice of socialist construction. Nick just used the expression "dictatorship of the proletariat." Sometimes used the very contradictory term devised by Lenin: "democratic dictatorship of workers and peasants." Nick seems to have preferred the term "proletarian democracy", whose emphasis on democracy rather than dictatorship is evident. The bottom line here is essential consecrated: nothing in the line to defend Marxism deprived of political rights to the revolutionary factions in conflict, as there is not even, strictly speaking, against the democratic rights of the bourgeoisie, the revolutionary hegemony must resolved, always in the balance of forces across the political construction. Mella dialogue with democratic liberalism is unique: it is mass far from condemning, and calls it to distinguish its political uses. In his university days, describes the advanced students as "the element of healthy, young strong and liberal" [10], questions the "liberal utopians" who believe in the possibility of freedom in modern society, but in April 1928 , at full maturity of his thinking refers to the subversion prepared as "necessary revolution, democratic, liberal and nationalist" [11]. The program of the Association of Cuban Revolutionary New Emigrants (ANERC), an organization founded by Marxist revolutionary Cubans in exile in Mexico and directed by Nick, is explicit in its democratic ideals: "Abolition of despotic military regime that exists today, and organization of political life on a democratic basis, guarantees for the exercise of the rights of assembly, association and free expression of ideas by word and writing to all citizens without distinction of social class or creed; abolition of the death penalty, reforming the Electoral Code, to facilitate the reorganization of political parties and the formation of new, democratic reform of the Constitution. "[12] In his gloss on Marti, Nick elaborates his conception: "What he had said and done [Martí] before the advance of imperialism, to the control of political life and economic imperialism, to the maneuvers of this among the nationals to safeguard their interests? Would have had to repeat his second verse on the error, put it into practice "policy there is no democracy where there is economic justice", would have had to say. "[13] Mella includes the conquest of a social consensus in favor of practices socialism as a process that says step by step in fact the content of his promise: "In politics and economics as" within the shell of today's society is forming the new. " Cooperatives, unions, labor parties, schools proletarian revolutionary editorials, etc., are a demonstration of the future proletarian democracy. "[14] In other words, they should be. It is therefore important to read to Mella, to reset the theory of socialism with the need for "democracy without end", that is, permanent democratization of democracy.
5 .- When Nick says with Bakunin and Marx, the emancipation of workers must be the work of themselves in conflict with Marxism institutionalized at the time. In this thesis suggests the need for independence of the revolutionary organization. Nick was one of the main leaders of the Communist Party of Mexico (PCM), and faced the right wing of the party, was denounced as a young vacillating and treacherous in ideological-that is, accused of being a Trotskyist. Without being a follower of Trotsky open, said two major sources of tension with the PCM: the first one, about the issue and union workers, and the second on his project to prepare an armed insurrection which landed in Cuba to fight armed revolution against Machado. Along with Diego Rivera, advocated a policy against corrupt union workers and delivered to the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (CROM) would get so far successful: the Comintern obtained permission for the birth of the International Trade Union Confederation of Mexico, real victory revolutionary bases against union workers 'yellow' hegemony of Louis N. Morones, who called Luis popular saying "Millions", for the life of "proletarian leader" millionaire. However, shortly after Nick would be charged for the right of the PCM, which called for his expulsion, the "crime of working against the party line" and was dismissed from his post at the address of that party. In this atmosphere, the PCM denied any support for the insurrection in Cuba, in the context of Soviet policy not to encourage uprisings in the backyard of the United States. Mella suspended all cooperation with the Party and continued with his project, against, again, held by the revolutionary theory and politics of the International sacrosanct. In the hundreds of pages written by Mella not a single mention of Stalin. Known for his trip to the USSR, and Andreu Nin during his stay in Moscow, and thus first-hand about the conflict between Stalin and Trotsky and approaches of the Left Opposition, which, in the defense of Bolshevism and the USSR, fought the policy of Stalin. Mella denied in an official way to follow his argument and denied any affiliation to Trotskyism. But the accusation of being so doggedly pursue. However, you do not chew their texts to claim their compromises with the founder of the Red Army beyond the terms of admiration that always works and works of Trotsky winks appeared in several of his works, for that admiration for Trotsky is the feel, heightened by Lenin: the militancy in revolutionary Marxism. In fact, Mella lucidly critical deformations. Haya de la Torre When attempting a juggling game, "the emancipation of Latin Americans must be the work of Latin Americans themselves," the Cuban leader understands that this parody changes the meaning of the revolutionary ideal and restores a sense: it is the emancipation of nations and people: the participants of oppressed and the oppressed nationalities. [15] Given the collaborationist, strategy and tactics Mexican labor movement organized in the CROM, whose philosophy can be summed up in this phrase Vicente Lombardo Toledano, "the labor movement must penetrate to those organizations that are instruments of capital improvements to conquer," Mella asked a question which has kept effective "Who uses whom?", [16] to elucidate the dilemma of how to relate the revolutionary organizations in the institutional apparatus of the bourgeois system. The debate on this point reaches extreme positions from the solution to the integration off on pro-establishment. Mella's position appears, in principle, prudent. "We are in favor working in organizations capable of revving, all agencies with workers and peasants or mass revolutionary elements. "[17] Nick recalls that sets conditions of revolutionary strategy, non-ferrous limits, which serves the development of practice and not the conservation of the "purity" of ideology, this pretext authoritarian. The problem is more serious if the political environment offers benefits to the labor movement, as with the type of government called "progressive", which make up the capitalist system demands class and get with it demobilize the workers' struggles and confuse your profile. Class independence of the organization is the antidote Mella against disarmament, co-opted the labor movement, but there has to be understood as "sectarianism" in class. In fact, Nick is faced with the policy of 'class against class "advocated by the Communist International and imagined political alliances keys to success in terms of the Cuban social fabric:" The Communists in Cuba, not merge with the Nationalist Party [ member of the bourgeois opposition to the dictator Machado], keeping the independence of the proletarian movement [,] would support a revolutionary struggle for national emancipation true, if this struggle is carried out. "[18] Mella not lose the guide: what can not is to leave "the working class alone or delivered to the other classes [that] when conditions change-as is now happening in Mexico - is an orphan and without direction." [19] Therefore, it is necessary to view Mella : to understand that without political independence of the state, and institutional system, the socialist movement becomes the beggar king, is the Sun King or King city. 6 .- Mella
classical Marxism provides a fundamental strength to challenge Eurocentrism from which it spread in the early decades of the twentieth century and to enable you to understand the emerging world of colonial rule: the idea and practice of nationalism revolutionary. In times of Mella, were not known in Latin America, all Marx's writings on Russia, India and Ireland, or of Lenin addressing the East, which years later would a lecture on the interdependence between capitalism and colonialism and the history social formations not focused on the capitalist West as the only tool of civilization evolution. In times of Mella workers "had no homeland." The Socialist Workers homeland, or was the world, or was a bourgeois invention. According to Nick, this policy was justified "by the fact that socialism is an internationalist and operators do not have to fight for the independence of their country, but nothing else in its class. They forget that to become independent working class must first be emancipated as a nation. "[20] Mella is the one who first launched in Cuba intensive historical and political effectiveness in the reconstruction and recovery of the concept of homeland, the more accuracy of the concept of nation to socialism, while to many Cuba was a country whose first aspiration was to become just a nation. Mella retrieves the patriotic tradition of struggles for national independence in the nineteenth century and merged with the ideal of social liberation in the key of the emancipation of class domination. Therefore, reading about Martí is as original as a belligerent, the project is to replace "the rich for the rich foreign national." [21] Nick says: "All of Cuba is now a Baire. Plus, for the next "Scream" can not be betrayed, to be a truly popular and democratic we add the complement of "To the workers." It will not be Cuba Libre ...! for new tyrants but for workers. Who says a Democrat, progressive, revolutionary in the true sense of respect: Cuba Libre, for the workers! This is the only way to apply the principles of the Revolutionary Party [Cuban José Martí] from 1895 to 1928 ". [22] this, Nick reached understandings that will serve as the ideological basis for the two social revolutions that Cuba will experience after death: the 1930 and 1959: "The cause of the proletariat is the national cause" and "only the new revolution will release [a Cuba] of colonialism. "[23] Therefore, it is necessary to view Mella: for being an anti-colonial thinker, a precursor of today's debates about the nationalities oppressed as subjects of political change being a socialist thinker, achieved the synthesis explains how each element is no longer what it was communicating nationalism to internationalism and the motherland and the nation no longer a project to become oligarchic and white in a popular project and mestizo.
7 .- Nick went, from the student movement, the university reform in Cuba after 1922 and realized that his advances cash was linked to the rise of a social revolution. After the first time reformer, with claims aimed at the university level in particular, Nick says: "What characterizes the University Revolution is your desire to be a social movement, of engaging with the soul and needs of the oppressed, to get out of hand reaction, through "no man's land" and be brave and noble, in the ranks of the social revolution in the vanguard of the proletariat. "[24] His thinking education has a fixation: the monopoly of culture usurps the democratic possibility, as his tactics on the revolution has another obsession: to prevent the contents of the revolution can be isolated from each other. If you are isolated, and strains of viruses are fought with thoroughness. If the university reform does not transit to the social revolution, end up getting, perhaps, some corporate advantages without achieving essentially seeking, if the social revolution does not go through the university reform, culture is incommunicado in the future. Nick thinks the school organization as a dimension of democracy and considers essential: a) making access to school, right from which creates the Popular University Jose Marti, b) subjecting the school organization's rules functioning democracy that aspires for the life of society as a whole, and c) understand that "the final emancipation of culture and its institutions can not be done but together with the emancipation of the slaves of modern production "[25], or in conjunction with the introduction of the system of free labor. Here is a method to address this policy. Nick followed the custom of his time-it is still ours, of using feminine attributes as equally degrading veiled references to homosexuality, when polemic and sought to qualify as negative. Whoever wants to vindicate the dignity of difference, not always find in him a defender, but is entitled to a strategy: the link between the struggles and flow between its contents. Therefore, read Mella A key to focus on an essential point of today: socialism, without policy towards differences, no strategy to get along with society, but the politics of difference, but found to socialism, no horizon. 8 .- Mella
fought, to cost him his life, against the system, but also rose up against everyday domination, against the power of the teacher in the school system against their own father for paying low wages to their employees, as also lived rebellion over its own membership in revolutionary organizations. He was one of the founders of the Board of the Student Federation of the University of Havana, after his presidency and soon took was forced to resign, accused of authoritarianism, for his radicalism and his growing immersion in the world of revolutionary syndicalism, found strong resistance in the student movement. On the other hand, was one of the founders of the first Communist Party of Cuba, and only a few months after its creation was separated from him for staging a hunger strike for 19 days, which led the brink of death shocked the country and reached the mainland, because of the irresponsibility of their actions "individualistic", "unwise" and lacking "class solidarity", as rated by his party. In both cases, Nick managed to preserve the dignity in defeat. The young leader won, far from denying his name three times, emerge from these battles with the forces of consequence: to understand that discipline is not submission and be able to negotiate from the beginning without forgetting that politics is a matter of millions, how he learned Lenin. The revolutionary it is also against the forms of revolutionary organization, therefore reconstructs the concept discipline and loyalty, "the revolutionary" negotiated "with the fact that it comprises the victory as the dialectic between the construction of hegemony and the capture of the revolutionary moment:" The important thing, "said Mella not think we're going to make the revolution within minutes, but if we are able to take advantage of the historical moment when he fatally arrives. No lottery is a revolution: it is a fixed-term payment but ignored the exact day. The Russian Bolshevik (sic), Cubans in the last century had no mass organization acting daily. But the cell of revolutionaries great time '. [26] Therefore, it is helpful to read Nick: because it departs from the tradition Blanqui, and the political culture of Jacobinism, as a conspirator or enlightened vanguard group that makes the revolution and then distributed as a sacred trust the people, but that means both need to build the political and radical way to exploit the time of revolutionary possibility. 9 .- Mella
misunderstood the relationship between imperialism and capitalism. He used the term "capitalist imperialism" to define the process, imperialism does not qualify as an epiphenomenon, a secondary fact which continues to influence the principal without him, but a new phase of capitalism, the Lenin's way. Thus both terms are necessary to explain each. Thus, a lucid glimpse subordinating the development of capitalism in Cuba to the development of imperialism in Latin America. Mella says: "In every case like America. Does not hold a government without the will of the United States, as the support of U.S. gold is stronger than the vote of the people concerned. Today people are nothing, and that society is made to be ruled by the dollar and not the citizen. We must make the revolution of the citizens, peoples, against the dollar "[27] with high-sounding words in the contemporary Latin American discourse, which claims the need Speed \u200b\u200bcitizens, faced with the abolition of politics as public affairs, in favor of private-destructive pursuit of the possibility of individual freedom as a fact, social and national-in the hands of large transnational corporations, or local interests transnationalized. Mella located the "evils of Cuba's economic structure" and dependency fatal "one big industry monopolized by foreign capitalism." [28] Consequently, the program Mella, through ANERC seeks to diversify the ownership and production: "the distribution of land to poor peasants and ruined settlers to create an independent agricultural economy and national. "[29] To this end, sponsor" cooperation in production, the use of agricultural machinery and sale of products "and the creation of a National Bank Agricultural Spare under control peasant organizations themselves. At all times, Mella reinforces the need for workers' control over the production process, "direct and effective participation of organizations of settlers and workers in the agencies responsible for regulating the production of sugar, so that the measures take are not made, as now, only for large sugar interests at the expense of the interests of the proletariat and semi-proletariat ', [30] and promote appropriate legislation for the formation of a truly independent national trade and industry, while claiming to revise the Commercial Treaty with the United States. The denunciation of imperialism and capitalism reaches and criticism of his vision of civilization. Mella strongly opposed the death penalty: "lift up our cry of protest against the terror begins, with the useless severity, with the crime committed in the name of the archaic law and against the principles of the new science." [ 31] He fought stubbornly racial discrimination and said instead of black in Cuban history and society, and foreshadowed some of the problems that came to our days under the label of "Quinto Centenario" in regard to the role of the exploitation of indigenous people in the development of capitalism and what he refers to the historical responsibility of Spain with the colonization of America. Nick thought that the technological revolution in itself would bring greater opportunities for social revolution, no more complex to analyze how it can also be used to zoom out, as has happened in the Western capitalist world after the French Revolution, but this approach also Sharp escapes contempt, coming from a vast ignorance and regimentation of knowledge, which kept many left to the technical developments of his time. I wanted to put it to socialism in the course of the technological revolution and not to tow her, knowing that socialism can not be the image of the ignorant man who looks enraptured field development, alien and incomprehensible, mythological beings city-civilization-capitalism. At the same time, advocates a socialist politics of the sport that is opposed to the criterion of market competition as athlete's physical annihilation liar as you worship the health of the athlete. It is therefore important to read Mella, to bring the imperialist domination in the field more generally, cultural, capitalist domination and understand the map operation, and to reposition the terms "civilization and barbarism." Contrary to the tradition that links the West and modernizing capitalism with civilization and barbarism to the continent's original tradition, Mella said that civilization is socialism and its defeat is the triumph of capitalist barbarism: "The worker understands each again between him and nature, there must be an intruder out of the way: the capitalist ", [32] writes with a deep echo of the footsteps left by José Martí on the subject.
11 .- For a long time, responsibility for the death of Mella has been awarded to Stalinism in the figure of Vittorio Vidali, presented by some as a romantic hero, the famous commander Carlos Contreras in the fight for the English Republic, "and by others as grotesque murderer, involving, inter alia, in the death of Trotsky and Andreu Nin. Allegedly, he snapped one day Vidali Mella, beside himself: "Never forget: the International comes in two ways, or expelled or killed!". Historians Adys Cupull, Froilan Gonzalez, Rolando Rodriguez and Christine Hatzky have provided definitive evidence about the murder of Mella. They provide comprehensive information about the plot implemented by Machado to run after contracting for the Cuban efforts José Magriñat and after getting rid of several politicians who, even in the midst of Machado, had opposed on to negotiate the extradition of Nick to Cuba, then to pretend to buy for bribery and even more to kill him. Cuban witnesses determination to kill Nick Machado told about his cold and unbending resolve to end the life of the leader and about the process that led to the fatal outcome. However, both versions explain better the lives of his death Mella: explain everything on its revolutionary character. Enemy of the despots of the oligarchies, the tyrants of capitalism, and the gravediggers fans revolutions. He was killed by Machado, but the child was never accepted by Soviet communism. Julio Antonio Mella personifies the image of the true revolutionary, who is forced to be a rebel, in the words of Fernando Martínez Heredia, in order to be a revolutionary. There are already many mistakes in his life, but it is very difficult to find its option not always located on the left of the spectrum had a revolutionary. Being a rebel is the only way to be revolutionary. The revolutionary, for being, is a bastard son of the official culture of his time, his ideas are upstart to the accepted theory, his stances are always uncomfortable for the bureaucracies that claim and even imagine themselves as revolutionaries. Nick was the son "bastard" who aspired to a socialism that, although it seems an impossibility after the story of the twentieth century, still can and should announce "with all and for the good of all" as the news of his triumph. His thought nourished the imagination of the only successful socialist revolution in the West, the Cuban Revolution of 1959, when this should be very rebellious about the official culture of his time to be a revolution. But Nick does not serve only to legitimize a glorious past, his thought-and especially his attitude, must accompany the anxiety of the experiments needed to revolutions of the future: these will not be without full nature rebellion. Therefore, it is essential to read Julio Antonio Mella: by how much he should go in America yet.
Havana, May 2009
* Introduction to Julio Antonio Mella. Selected texts, an anthology being edited by Southern Ocean, with selection and introduction of Julio César Guanche.
[1] "The cry of the martyrs." All the above texts belonging to Julio Antonio Mella.
[2] "Paintings of the Soviet Union."
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] "Message to the People's University partners."
[7] "The students and the social struggle."
[8] "New route to the students."
[9] Ibid.
[10] "The social function of the university."
[11] "Whither Cuba?".
[12] "Our proposed program to unite the Cuban people to take immediate action for the restoration of democracy."
[13] "Glosses to the thinking of José Martí."
[14] "The students and the social struggle."
[15] "What is ARPA?."
[16] "How to interpret the Labour anti-imperialist struggle."
[17] Ibid.
[18] "What is ARPA?."
[19] In this regard, Mella also adds: "The laborer is fooling believing that it will emancipate within capitalist society, without violence, without government workers and peasants, not socialism, but never to Communism." "Capitalism and labor saving formula."
[20] 'The V Conference American Workers. "
[21] "The new freedom."
[22] "The reason for our name."
[23] "The new liberators" and "Whither Cuba?".
[24] "The students and the social struggle."
[25] "The socialist concept of university reform."
[26] "Letter to Sarah Pascual"
[27] "Cuba: people that has never been free. "
[28] "Our proposed program to unite the Cuban people to take immediate action for the restoration of democracy."
[29] Ibid.
[30] Ibid.
[31] "The prejudices of the barbarous age. The death penalty and official crimes. "
[32] "The air domain."
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