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BRIEF NOTES ON THE NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECT SIMON BOLIVAR 2007-2013 (PNSB): SOME PROBLEMS TO SAVE. Why Read

Corena Jaime P.
Then look at the consistency of guideline IV PNSB with socialist theory and some measures of leadership of the revolution to develop.

CONSISTENCY OF THE GUIDELINE IV

PNSB Guideline IV (initialed by President Chávez) is consistent with the original socialist proposal and subject to current development of socialist theory, which we believe expresses very well the work of Meszaros in his book Beyond Capital. The guideline states:


"In order to achieve meaningful work, it will seek the elimination of social division, the hierarchical structure and the choice between meeting human needs and the production of wealth subject to the reproduction of capital. "

ORIGINAL consistent with the theory.

precisely in the German Ideology, Marx and Engels (page 43, Volume I, The Dog and the Frog, 2007, Caracas), suggest that the possibility of falling into strong dialectical clash (antagonistic contradiction) the material and spiritual activities, enjoyment and work, production and consumption (assigned to different individuals), lives only to re-abandon the social division of labor (Emphasis added.)

is clear then that the search for the elimination of social division of labor and hierarchy, according to PNSB, original sense. But a question arises: In the concrete conditions of deepening the Bolivarian Revolution of Venezuela and its current international and regional context, how progressive steps in that direction? The Soviet revolution could do little or nothing about it and China so far does not show results to note.



CONSISTENCY WITH THE CURRENT SOCIAL THEORY.

In Beyond Capital, Mészáros, (page 851, Vadell Hermanos, Caracas-Valencia, 2001), precisely in keeping with the original idea:
"Since the goal of social emancipation is the radical improvement hierarchical social division of labor inherited much care how can transitional material forms of mediation effectively undertake the task of restructuring the framework metabolic postrevolutionary society. "

A form of mediation that is transitional material that we mean when we ask about the next steps to advance this goal of emancipation. The current state of the answer to this question is a task that the leadership of the revolution, the Council of Ministers, the Bureau of the PSUV and the National Assembly should deal with broader support in the participation of (as) employees (as) .

Judging by what we see, in social relations that are still playing in the companies we can say we are part of the area of \u200b\u200bthe socialist economy, there are very few traces mark so far in the direction of seeking to eliminate the social division of labor and hierarchy. The old order's cultural capital, business management still dominates. And in the organization of work in the institutions of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, the thing has not changed much (almost none of these has developed a plan to advance the guideline IV). This, despite the fact that since December 2006, President Chávez called to build a socialist economy.

As elements of the transitional material mediation that raises awareness and training mass socialist and pictures are, in our view and others (on the shoulders of social property and / or community):

• Assembly's approval of the work of the budgets of the companies and their implementation.
• The participatory definition of costs, prices, surpluses and distribution of the latter.
• Introducing participatory new products to meet human needs and the country.
• Creation box participatory management of the company and the election by direct suffrage and secret management.
• The scientific and technological development, quality and productivity through research and development units of participation.
• Accreditation and empowerment knowledge acquired through work experience in business and in partnership with universities.

If these items and other relevant not begin to incorporate the business life, they become difficult to save and (so far there is little about the Bolivarian Revolution), but we overcome these difficulties may occur which Mészáros says (op. cit p. 851):

"For a progressive failure to put under control of the forces that continue to reproduce the wicked structural parameters of hierarchical decision making, bequeathed by the past, condemning the socialist project in the best cases, the stagnation if not a recession and involution. "

breeding of these forces of the past if there is much in the ministries of economy and nationalized some businesses. Discuss their influence on the delay of the implementation of Guideline IV PNSB is a task that the Socialists must not shirk.


CHAVEZ SIGNS DA DEVELOPMENT OF THE GUIDELINE IV PNSB.

So far this year 2009, especially in the second quarter, President Chavez, in events in Guyana and eastern coast of Lake has made three momentous announcements of his government in relation to the development of guideline IV of PNSB:
• All nationalized enterprises in Guyana would be part of a subsystem socialist construction (art business complex worker), whose interior socialist social relations would be established according to some notes he had about the same workers at an event, whose closing ceremony was the president himself. Could be chosen
• business managers of the complex by direct vote, after definition of rules that prevent the reproduction of power pernicious group.
• A large part of the surplus produced by workers of the nationalized companies that provide services to PDVSA on the East Coast of the Lake, could be distributed according to priorities of social development, workers' councils of these businesses and community councils in that territory.

Hopefully these measures announced by the president, are part of the debate (3R) than on socialist construction must take place within the PSUV, in directing the economy ministries and the National Assembly. And therefore from the freely associated producers of goods and services.

measures that are sustained over time and generalized work would aim to (manager-operational) involved in making key decisions of firms and the economy as a whole and feel some of the bases of the irreversibility of revolution. Chavez thus substantially start betting so Mészáros (page 851 op cit) states:

".... Will remain equally true that in a very deep sense the pattern of measurement of the socialist achievements is to what extent the measures and policies adopted actively contribute to the establishment and consolidation in a well-established substantially democratic (ie, truly non-hierarchical in its mode of operation in all areas) of social control and general self. Therefore, there is no way that the views of a socialist thinker about the division of labor resulting expendable. "

measures mediation transitional materials to complete the democratization of politics, economics and knowledge production in socialist construction, should lead to the development of socially owned enterprises and / or community of high productivity and quality, so that progressively by the work itself shows that the Socialism is superior to capitalism in all spheres of human activity, and therefore has to be controlled in a socially conscious (social learning and become usual mass) metabolic reproduction of capital (social division of labor and hierarchy .) The latter is not involved in the current stage of socialist construction under ALBA, delete individual responsibilities in operational or managerial jobs, but that work as a whole gradually assume (not a trickle) assembly-making of political decisions and economic fundamentals.

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Julio Antonio Mella

Julio César Guanche and

I. - Julio Antonio Mella was born on March 25, 1903 in Cuba. In the Greater Antilles neocolonial happened the first experiment on a planetary level, retained the status of a country dominated for a metropolis and was laboratory to structure in the twentieth century more generally the status of dependent capitalist development. In their family environment, Nick was born as a child "bastard" of the extramarital affair between a wealthy tailor, Nicanor Mella pitch, and the young Irish Cecilia McPartland Ten. His paternal grandfather was the general struggles of Dominican independence. None of this information is free to understand the formation of his personality: he met the discrimination against children "natural" as a teenager was able to travel in first class, travel geography, and could have wanted to study in Mexico, was the best-dressed student University of Havana while the largest promoter of university reform, was noted by some as mestizo but was admitted to exclusive club for whites, grew up bilingual listening to the stories of Latin American independence heroes and echo, weak in the voice of the mother, of Irish social struggles, became friends, by family, with Eusebio Hernandez, a veteran of the Cuban independence war and later distinguished university professor , was a disciple of the poet, journalist and politician Mexican Salvador Diaz Miron, was formed politically in the heart of a vibrant labor movement under anarcho hegemony in a country with a significant presence in urban proletariat and the acute problems of the underdeveloped field, could called "Master" as a syndicalist antisectario Alfredo Lopez, one of the few I could talk and recognize the "fraternal enemies," the Communists forged his democratic and socialist ideology in the struggle against dictatorship and oppression against neocolonial, amid the emergence of the avant-garde, the student movement, the women and the worker as such, was subject to his wife while his daughter slept on the cover of a travel bag, held a personal relationship with an intense political avant-garde artist and internationalist fighter known as Tina Modotti and the brutality of the needs of exile.

This amalgamation would give significant benefits to Mella: read the texts of Marxism in their translations English, they were still very few in English, move between different social and cultural contexts, historically well placed to understand the plot revolutionary anticolonial independence when Marxism lived tragic confusion about 'national', enter the political strategy unprecedented in Cuba, to mobilize the nation through a hunger strike, a fact that came in Irish tradition, to combat sectarianism and imagine the unimaginable political alliances for the correction of the time revolutionary, to be dogmatic and then overcome with such agility as depth, understand the legacy of slavery and to make claims the racial civil rights, to help make antingerencismo in anti-imperialism definitely consider Marxism as a philosophy that seeks to invent a world, but to account for the transformation of actually existing, open a new thinking on José Martí and the liberal tradition Cuban revolutionary and so on. Among other things, this is helpful to read Mella: to understand how developed an obsession with freedom-and strategy-achieved socialism.

2 .- Julio Antonio Mella is one of the leading exponents of the founding generation of Latin American Marxism. However, in 2009 the childishness of some their thesis inspires compassion. Mella school enthusiastically repeated several of the positions of positivism and deterministic happened for decades as "Soviet Marxism." In particular, followed the route of determinism was confident the future to the inexorable rules of the story: "The unfolding of history is determined by the forces of production, by the fatal play of economic forces." [1] It is wrong to screams in the understanding of indigenous issues, taking positions of Marxism prohijado by Stalin, in a famous controversy with Victor Raul Haya de la Torre. Understood in outline the profile of intellectual and its role in revolutionary politics, and called "duties" of the intellectual over social issues in language and tone that today produce at least indifference, after causing terror. His thought contains several unresolved contradictions. Having been separated from the direction of the two communist parties in which he played, Cuban and Mexican continued to defend the concept of 'vanguard party', inspired by the social kaustkiana, and continued in part by Leninism, which communicates from an outside-the ideological vanguard, the elite, the leader, the chief political consciousness to the masses and developing subordinates everything of these rhythm and motion profile of the vanguard, while he defended the practice as the only source of revolutionary consciousness. After considering the factory, in the manner of Gramsci, as' the dynamo power generator industrial, social and political 'revolution,' the [...] fundamental lab where communist society is prepared [2] and praising the workers' councils, and the soviet own way as how to organize the scheme of work, adding that "the reorganization of a socialist factory has nothing to envy in terms of administrative and technical perfection, those marvels of U.S. industry " and that "all industrial perfection of capitalism has treated the first socialist state." [3] In that way, end up in the praise of planning governed by the Supreme Council of Economy of the USSR, "National Regulatory production , jealous guardian of the needs of the people, how much to produce and what to produce. "[4] unknowingly repeated the same idea Mella assured for decades that two key victories for the capitalist imagination: a) that the organization economic, "rational, scientific and efficient" capitalism is a technical instrument to serve the economy, not the record of standardization reproduced daily by the order of capitalist power, and b) the view of planning as "jealous guardian 'of the people's needs, which becomes, in the absence of popular participation, bureaucratic planning and assurance of bureaucratic power. Even if, in the wake Marx, Nick was more complex analysis than other authors of his time on the middle class and the peasantry beyond the false dichotomy between "bourgeois against proletarians' - cut across social diversity to a close understanding class. Nick visited the Soviet Union in 1927, when it lived and intense contradictions, and great tragedies, and ended up writing a eulogy guilty of lese candor, as if there had not been heard more than a happy world. Take into account, just for example, this paragraph: "In the USSR a hundred nationalities liberated from the yoke of Tsarist enter the full development of all their artistic talents, alongside that of economic and political and teach us the contribution the national genius of these people bring to the future and heterogeneous international socialist civilization. "[5] But the Cuban revolutionary leader was assassinated by Gerardo Machado not turn 26 years old and barely able to leave, in many cases, the intuitions of genius who quite likely have achieved a synthesis of José Martí and Antonio Gramsci, between Rosa Luxemburg and Augusto César Sandino. Therefore, it is important to read to Mella: to understand many of the "childhood diseases", including the most advanced of the first Latin American Marxism.
3 .- Julio Antonio Mella understood the essence of Marxism: "the emancipation of workers must be the work of the workers themselves." This is the desideratum: found in personal autonomy, and independence of the revolutionary organization, the appeal of freedom. "If you producís all, produce in order, your release and that of all the oppressed." [6] is essential to understand the magnitude of this assertion Mella: the role in the socialist tradition that existed until now has been that of "socialism from above ', with the permanent worship the state and the presence of the figures omniscient enlightened, and the great leaders of mass drivers -which was camouflaged by Soviet Marxism with the labels of "People's State" and "the role of personality in history." Mella combat the reality of political alienation that represents the state in the sense that it is in the works of Marx, strictly contrary to the way he understood the state socialism-when he says: "The state? Only those "blind" not can see what does not suit them they can claim their freedom, fairness in the great social war. "[7] The young revolutionary leader understands that the development of the socialist movement, as" the very movement of persons engaged in paraphrase Rosa Luxembourg, requires at least three conditions: a party that facilitates and coordinates the fight, but not "directed" as an entity "superior" movement, a state machine that recognizes the working association resulting from the fight and expansive development by independent socialist movement. In this socialism from below, the only feasible for maintaining the freedom and continuing narrative, it is essential to defend, always As Nick says, "proclaim our absolute independence of the values \u200b\u200benshrined in the rules that give the patent fossilized" revolutionary ", teachers have been attributed in this twentieth century, the vain claim to be pastors when nobody wants be flock. "[8]" In these times, perhaps better than any other time, the oppressed exact realize this truth. And are realizing that their emancipation can only be the work themselves. No more warlordism, whether it be military, civilian or intellectual. " [...]. The exploited masses will not release nor angels swords or licensed by scholars, intellectuals or by false who call themselves prophets .... "[9] Mella today restores an essential question of Marxism: for whom the revolution, who is the socialism means that it is not free from some to oppress others, but free as a condition for releasing the other: workers, those excluded from work, casual employees, informal workers, but in general, to address not only the differences caused by the place occupied at work, but all differences - inequalities, produced by the mine. Nick recalls that Marxism is a philosophy of justice is not about poverty but about the causes of generation conditions of poverty: the lack of opportunity to intervene in them, as equally a philosophy of freedom, not about more or less poor beings, neither more or less rich, but about men and women more free. Therefore, it is advisable to read Mella: to remain relevant as imperialist thinker, but also to study it as a thinker of socialist democracy. 4 .-

Mella understanding on anti-imperialism is a hard core of his findings, but in comparison, remained lying on his thinking democratic practice of socialist construction. Nick just used the expression "dictatorship of the proletariat." Sometimes used the very contradictory term devised by Lenin: "democratic dictatorship of workers and peasants." Nick seems to have preferred the term "proletarian democracy", whose emphasis on democracy rather than dictatorship is evident. The bottom line here is essential consecrated: nothing in the line to defend Marxism deprived of political rights to the revolutionary factions in conflict, as there is not even, strictly speaking, against the democratic rights of the bourgeoisie, the revolutionary hegemony must resolved, always in the balance of forces across the political construction. Mella dialogue with democratic liberalism is unique: it is mass far from condemning, and calls it to distinguish its political uses. In his university days, describes the advanced students as "the element of healthy, young strong and liberal" [10], questions the "liberal utopians" who believe in the possibility of freedom in modern society, but in April 1928 , at full maturity of his thinking refers to the subversion prepared as "necessary revolution, democratic, liberal and nationalist" [11]. The program of the Association of Cuban Revolutionary New Emigrants (ANERC), an organization founded by Marxist revolutionary Cubans in exile in Mexico and directed by Nick, is explicit in its democratic ideals: "Abolition of despotic military regime that exists today, and organization of political life on a democratic basis, guarantees for the exercise of the rights of assembly, association and free expression of ideas by word and writing to all citizens without distinction of social class or creed; abolition of the death penalty, reforming the Electoral Code, to facilitate the reorganization of political parties and the formation of new, democratic reform of the Constitution. "[12] In his gloss on Marti, Nick elaborates his conception: "What he had said and done [Martí] before the advance of imperialism, to the control of political life and economic imperialism, to the maneuvers of this among the nationals to safeguard their interests? Would have had to repeat his second verse on the error, put it into practice "policy there is no democracy where there is economic justice", would have had to say. "[13] Mella includes the conquest of a social consensus in favor of practices socialism as a process that says step by step in fact the content of his promise: "In politics and economics as" within the shell of today's society is forming the new. " Cooperatives, unions, labor parties, schools proletarian revolutionary editorials, etc., are a demonstration of the future proletarian democracy. "[14] In other words, they should be. It is therefore important to read to Mella, to reset the theory of socialism with the need for "democracy without end", that is, permanent democratization of democracy.

5 .- When Nick says with Bakunin and Marx, the emancipation of workers must be the work of themselves in conflict with Marxism institutionalized at the time. In this thesis suggests the need for independence of the revolutionary organization. Nick was one of the main leaders of the Communist Party of Mexico (PCM), and faced the right wing of the party, was denounced as a young vacillating and treacherous in ideological-that is, accused of being a Trotskyist. Without being a follower of Trotsky open, said two major sources of tension with the PCM: the first one, about the issue and union workers, and the second on his project to prepare an armed insurrection which landed in Cuba to fight armed revolution against Machado. Along with Diego Rivera, advocated a policy against corrupt union workers and delivered to the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (CROM) would get so far successful: the Comintern obtained permission for the birth of the International Trade Union Confederation of Mexico, real victory revolutionary bases against union workers 'yellow' hegemony of Louis N. Morones, who called Luis popular saying "Millions", for the life of "proletarian leader" millionaire. However, shortly after Nick would be charged for the right of the PCM, which called for his expulsion, the "crime of working against the party line" and was dismissed from his post at the address of that party. In this atmosphere, the PCM denied any support for the insurrection in Cuba, in the context of Soviet policy not to encourage uprisings in the backyard of the United States. Mella suspended all cooperation with the Party and continued with his project, against, again, held by the revolutionary theory and politics of the International sacrosanct. In the hundreds of pages written by Mella not a single mention of Stalin. Known for his trip to the USSR, and Andreu Nin during his stay in Moscow, and thus first-hand about the conflict between Stalin and Trotsky and approaches of the Left Opposition, which, in the defense of Bolshevism and the USSR, fought the policy of Stalin. Mella denied in an official way to follow his argument and denied any affiliation to Trotskyism. But the accusation of being so doggedly pursue. However, you do not chew their texts to claim their compromises with the founder of the Red Army beyond the terms of admiration that always works and works of Trotsky winks appeared in several of his works, for that admiration for Trotsky is the feel, heightened by Lenin: the militancy in revolutionary Marxism. In fact, Mella lucidly critical deformations. Haya de la Torre When attempting a juggling game, "the emancipation of Latin Americans must be the work of Latin Americans themselves," the Cuban leader understands that this parody changes the meaning of the revolutionary ideal and restores a sense: it is the emancipation of nations and people: the participants of oppressed and the oppressed nationalities. [15] Given the collaborationist, strategy and tactics Mexican labor movement organized in the CROM, whose philosophy can be summed up in this phrase Vicente Lombardo Toledano, "the labor movement must penetrate to those organizations that are instruments of capital improvements to conquer," Mella asked a question which has kept effective "Who uses whom?", [16] to elucidate the dilemma of how to relate the revolutionary organizations in the institutional apparatus of the bourgeois system. The debate on this point reaches extreme positions from the solution to the integration off on pro-establishment. Mella's position appears, in principle, prudent. "We are in favor working in organizations capable of revving, all agencies with workers and peasants or mass revolutionary elements. "[17] Nick recalls that sets conditions of revolutionary strategy, non-ferrous limits, which serves the development of practice and not the conservation of the "purity" of ideology, this pretext authoritarian. The problem is more serious if the political environment offers benefits to the labor movement, as with the type of government called "progressive", which make up the capitalist system demands class and get with it demobilize the workers' struggles and confuse your profile. Class independence of the organization is the antidote Mella against disarmament, co-opted the labor movement, but there has to be understood as "sectarianism" in class. In fact, Nick is faced with the policy of 'class against class "advocated by the Communist International and imagined political alliances keys to success in terms of the Cuban social fabric:" The Communists in Cuba, not merge with the Nationalist Party [ member of the bourgeois opposition to the dictator Machado], keeping the independence of the proletarian movement [,] would support a revolutionary struggle for national emancipation true, if this struggle is carried out. "[18] Mella not lose the guide: what can not is to leave "the working class alone or delivered to the other classes [that] when conditions change-as is now happening in Mexico - is an orphan and without direction." [19] Therefore, it is necessary to view Mella : to understand that without political independence of the state, and institutional system, the socialist movement becomes the beggar king, is the Sun King or King city. 6 .- Mella

classical Marxism provides a fundamental strength to challenge Eurocentrism from which it spread in the early decades of the twentieth century and to enable you to understand the emerging world of colonial rule: the idea and practice of nationalism revolutionary. In times of Mella, were not known in Latin America, all Marx's writings on Russia, India and Ireland, or of Lenin addressing the East, which years later would a lecture on the interdependence between capitalism and colonialism and the history social formations not focused on the capitalist West as the only tool of civilization evolution. In times of Mella workers "had no homeland." The Socialist Workers homeland, or was the world, or was a bourgeois invention. According to Nick, this policy was justified "by the fact that socialism is an internationalist and operators do not have to fight for the independence of their country, but nothing else in its class. They forget that to become independent working class must first be emancipated as a nation. "[20] Mella is the one who first launched in Cuba intensive historical and political effectiveness in the reconstruction and recovery of the concept of homeland, the more accuracy of the concept of nation to socialism, while to many Cuba was a country whose first aspiration was to become just a nation. Mella retrieves the patriotic tradition of struggles for national independence in the nineteenth century and merged with the ideal of social liberation in the key of the emancipation of class domination. Therefore, reading about Martí is as original as a belligerent, the project is to replace "the rich for the rich foreign national." [21] Nick says: "All of Cuba is now a Baire. Plus, for the next "Scream" can not be betrayed, to be a truly popular and democratic we add the complement of "To the workers." It will not be Cuba Libre ...! for new tyrants but for workers. Who says a Democrat, progressive, revolutionary in the true sense of respect: Cuba Libre, for the workers! This is the only way to apply the principles of the Revolutionary Party [Cuban José Martí] from 1895 to 1928 ". [22] this, Nick reached understandings that will serve as the ideological basis for the two social revolutions that Cuba will experience after death: the 1930 and 1959: "The cause of the proletariat is the national cause" and "only the new revolution will release [a Cuba] of colonialism. "[23] Therefore, it is necessary to view Mella: for being an anti-colonial thinker, a precursor of today's debates about the nationalities oppressed as subjects of political change being a socialist thinker, achieved the synthesis explains how each element is no longer what it was communicating nationalism to internationalism and the motherland and the nation no longer a project to become oligarchic and white in a popular project and mestizo.

7 .- Nick went, from the student movement, the university reform in Cuba after 1922 and realized that his advances cash was linked to the rise of a social revolution. After the first time reformer, with claims aimed at the university level in particular, Nick says: "What characterizes the University Revolution is your desire to be a social movement, of engaging with the soul and needs of the oppressed, to get out of hand reaction, through "no man's land" and be brave and noble, in the ranks of the social revolution in the vanguard of the proletariat. "[24] His thinking education has a fixation: the monopoly of culture usurps the democratic possibility, as his tactics on the revolution has another obsession: to prevent the contents of the revolution can be isolated from each other. If you are isolated, and strains of viruses are fought with thoroughness. If the university reform does not transit to the social revolution, end up getting, perhaps, some corporate advantages without achieving essentially seeking, if the social revolution does not go through the university reform, culture is incommunicado in the future. Nick thinks the school organization as a dimension of democracy and considers essential: a) making access to school, right from which creates the Popular University Jose Marti, b) subjecting the school organization's rules functioning democracy that aspires for the life of society as a whole, and c) understand that "the final emancipation of culture and its institutions can not be done but together with the emancipation of the slaves of modern production "[25], or in conjunction with the introduction of the system of free labor. Here is a method to address this policy. Nick followed the custom of his time-it is still ours, of using feminine attributes as equally degrading veiled references to homosexuality, when polemic and sought to qualify as negative. Whoever wants to vindicate the dignity of difference, not always find in him a defender, but is entitled to a strategy: the link between the struggles and flow between its contents. Therefore, read Mella A key to focus on an essential point of today: socialism, without policy towards differences, no strategy to get along with society, but the politics of difference, but found to socialism, no horizon. 8 .- Mella

fought, to cost him his life, against the system, but also rose up against everyday domination, against the power of the teacher in the school system against their own father for paying low wages to their employees, as also lived rebellion over its own membership in revolutionary organizations. He was one of the founders of the Board of the Student Federation of the University of Havana, after his presidency and soon took was forced to resign, accused of authoritarianism, for his radicalism and his growing immersion in the world of revolutionary syndicalism, found strong resistance in the student movement. On the other hand, was one of the founders of the first Communist Party of Cuba, and only a few months after its creation was separated from him for staging a hunger strike for 19 days, which led the brink of death shocked the country and reached the mainland, because of the irresponsibility of their actions "individualistic", "unwise" and lacking "class solidarity", as rated by his party. In both cases, Nick managed to preserve the dignity in defeat. The young leader won, far from denying his name three times, emerge from these battles with the forces of consequence: to understand that discipline is not submission and be able to negotiate from the beginning without forgetting that politics is a matter of millions, how he learned Lenin. The revolutionary it is also against the forms of revolutionary organization, therefore reconstructs the concept discipline and loyalty, "the revolutionary" negotiated "with the fact that it comprises the victory as the dialectic between the construction of hegemony and the capture of the revolutionary moment:" The important thing, "said Mella not think we're going to make the revolution within minutes, but if we are able to take advantage of the historical moment when he fatally arrives. No lottery is a revolution: it is a fixed-term payment but ignored the exact day. The Russian Bolshevik (sic), Cubans in the last century had no mass organization acting daily. But the cell of revolutionaries great time '. [26] Therefore, it is helpful to read Nick: because it departs from the tradition Blanqui, and the political culture of Jacobinism, as a conspirator or enlightened vanguard group that makes the revolution and then distributed as a sacred trust the people, but that means both need to build the political and radical way to exploit the time of revolutionary possibility. 9 .- Mella

misunderstood the relationship between imperialism and capitalism. He used the term "capitalist imperialism" to define the process, imperialism does not qualify as an epiphenomenon, a secondary fact which continues to influence the principal without him, but a new phase of capitalism, the Lenin's way. Thus both terms are necessary to explain each. Thus, a lucid glimpse subordinating the development of capitalism in Cuba to the development of imperialism in Latin America. Mella says: "In every case like America. Does not hold a government without the will of the United States, as the support of U.S. gold is stronger than the vote of the people concerned. Today people are nothing, and that society is made to be ruled by the dollar and not the citizen. We must make the revolution of the citizens, peoples, against the dollar "[27] with high-sounding words in the contemporary Latin American discourse, which claims the need Speed \u200b\u200bcitizens, faced with the abolition of politics as public affairs, in favor of private-destructive pursuit of the possibility of individual freedom as a fact, social and national-in the hands of large transnational corporations, or local interests transnationalized. Mella located the "evils of Cuba's economic structure" and dependency fatal "one big industry monopolized by foreign capitalism." [28] Consequently, the program Mella, through ANERC seeks to diversify the ownership and production: "the distribution of land to poor peasants and ruined settlers to create an independent agricultural economy and national. "[29] To this end, sponsor" cooperation in production, the use of agricultural machinery and sale of products "and the creation of a National Bank Agricultural Spare under control peasant organizations themselves. At all times, Mella reinforces the need for workers' control over the production process, "direct and effective participation of organizations of settlers and workers in the agencies responsible for regulating the production of sugar, so that the measures take are not made, as now, only for large sugar interests at the expense of the interests of the proletariat and semi-proletariat ', [30] and promote appropriate legislation for the formation of a truly independent national trade and industry, while claiming to revise the Commercial Treaty with the United States. The denunciation of imperialism and capitalism reaches and criticism of his vision of civilization. Mella strongly opposed the death penalty: "lift up our cry of protest against the terror begins, with the useless severity, with the crime committed in the name of the archaic law and against the principles of the new science." [ 31] He fought stubbornly racial discrimination and said instead of black in Cuban history and society, and foreshadowed some of the problems that came to our days under the label of "Quinto Centenario" in regard to the role of the exploitation of indigenous people in the development of capitalism and what he refers to the historical responsibility of Spain with the colonization of America. Nick thought that the technological revolution in itself would bring greater opportunities for social revolution, no more complex to analyze how it can also be used to zoom out, as has happened in the Western capitalist world after the French Revolution, but this approach also Sharp escapes contempt, coming from a vast ignorance and regimentation of knowledge, which kept many left to the technical developments of his time. I wanted to put it to socialism in the course of the technological revolution and not to tow her, knowing that socialism can not be the image of the ignorant man who looks enraptured field development, alien and incomprehensible, mythological beings city-civilization-capitalism. At the same time, advocates a socialist politics of the sport that is opposed to the criterion of market competition as athlete's physical annihilation liar as you worship the health of the athlete. It is therefore important to read Mella, to bring the imperialist domination in the field more generally, cultural, capitalist domination and understand the map operation, and to reposition the terms "civilization and barbarism." Contrary to the tradition that links the West and modernizing capitalism with civilization and barbarism to the continent's original tradition, Mella said that civilization is socialism and its defeat is the triumph of capitalist barbarism: "The worker understands each again between him and nature, there must be an intruder out of the way: the capitalist ", [32] writes with a deep echo of the footsteps left by José Martí on the subject.

11 .- For a long time, responsibility for the death of Mella has been awarded to Stalinism in the figure of Vittorio Vidali, presented by some as a romantic hero, the famous commander Carlos Contreras in the fight for the English Republic, "and by others as grotesque murderer, involving, inter alia, in the death of Trotsky and Andreu Nin. Allegedly, he snapped one day Vidali Mella, beside himself: "Never forget: the International comes in two ways, or expelled or killed!". Historians Adys Cupull, Froilan Gonzalez, Rolando Rodriguez and Christine Hatzky have provided definitive evidence about the murder of Mella. They provide comprehensive information about the plot implemented by Machado to run after contracting for the Cuban efforts José Magriñat and after getting rid of several politicians who, even in the midst of Machado, had opposed on to negotiate the extradition of Nick to Cuba, then to pretend to buy for bribery and even more to kill him. Cuban witnesses determination to kill Nick Machado told about his cold and unbending resolve to end the life of the leader and about the process that led to the fatal outcome. However, both versions explain better the lives of his death Mella: explain everything on its revolutionary character. Enemy of the despots of the oligarchies, the tyrants of capitalism, and the gravediggers fans revolutions. He was killed by Machado, but the child was never accepted by Soviet communism. Julio Antonio Mella personifies the image of the true revolutionary, who is forced to be a rebel, in the words of Fernando Martínez Heredia, in order to be a revolutionary. There are already many mistakes in his life, but it is very difficult to find its option not always located on the left of the spectrum had a revolutionary. Being a rebel is the only way to be revolutionary. The revolutionary, for being, is a bastard son of the official culture of his time, his ideas are upstart to the accepted theory, his stances are always uncomfortable for the bureaucracies that claim and even imagine themselves as revolutionaries. Nick was the son "bastard" who aspired to a socialism that, although it seems an impossibility after the story of the twentieth century, still can and should announce "with all and for the good of all" as the news of his triumph. His thought nourished the imagination of the only successful socialist revolution in the West, the Cuban Revolution of 1959, when this should be very rebellious about the official culture of his time to be a revolution. But Nick does not serve only to legitimize a glorious past, his thought-and especially his attitude, must accompany the anxiety of the experiments needed to revolutions of the future: these will not be without full nature rebellion. Therefore, it is essential to read Julio Antonio Mella: by how much he should go in America yet.

Havana, May 2009

* Introduction to Julio Antonio Mella. Selected texts, an anthology being edited by Southern Ocean, with selection and introduction of Julio César Guanche.

[1] "The cry of the martyrs." All the above texts belonging to Julio Antonio Mella.
[2] "Paintings of the Soviet Union."
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] "Message to the People's University partners."
[7] "The students and the social struggle."
[8] "New route to the students."
[9] Ibid.
[10] "The social function of the university."
[11] "Whither Cuba?".
[12] "Our proposed program to unite the Cuban people to take immediate action for the restoration of democracy."
[13] "Glosses to the thinking of José Martí."
[14] "The students and the social struggle."
[15] "What is ARPA?."
[16] "How to interpret the Labour anti-imperialist struggle."
[17] Ibid.
[18] "What is ARPA?."
[19] In this regard, Mella also adds: "The laborer is fooling believing that it will emancipate within capitalist society, without violence, without government workers and peasants, not socialism, but never to Communism." "Capitalism and labor saving formula."
[20] 'The V Conference American Workers. "
[21] "The new freedom."
[22] "The reason for our name."
[23] "The new liberators" and "Whither Cuba?".
[24] "The students and the social struggle."
[25] "The socialist concept of university reform."
[26] "Letter to Sarah Pascual"
[27] "Cuba: people that has never been free. "
[28] "Our proposed program to unite the Cuban people to take immediate action for the restoration of democracy."
[29] Ibid.
[30] Ibid.
[31] "The prejudices of the barbarous age. The death penalty and official crimes. "
[32] "The air domain."

http://www.rosa-blindada.info/

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Schwinn Spinnerbottom Bracket

GLOBAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM AND SOCIALISM IN CONSTRUCTION OF VENEZUELA: COMMUNITY AND ECONOMIC COMMUNITY, PLANNING AND BUDGETING. Private Media

Patiño Rafael Enciso. Caracas. June 5, 2009.
In a perspective of transition from capitalism to socialism in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, organized people in communal councils, communes, workers' councils and networks Commodity Producers must participate in planning all aspects of life in its political, social, cultural, economic and environmental.

The participatory democracy of the population is real, not just when they vote to elect their leaders, if not in many other decisions of a newspaper, which affect their daily lives. In particular, when participating in the preparation of development plans and budgets of a locality or territory in budgets, annual work plans and the distribution of surplus property of a Social Enterprise (EPS), a Council Community, or in the near future, in social communities, now in early stages of construction.

Through plans and budgets of the social and economic organizations, are deciding where it wants to advance society, which wants to solve problems or needs, that aspiration is to achieve, how you achieve these goals and at what time; that workers participate in achieving the objectives, with what resources will have to do and how to distribute available resources among the various programs, projects and activities to be executed, then how to distribute the surplus generated by social work.

Venezuela rentier economy

In the case of Venezuela, working people supported the revolutionary government of President Chavez, which devotes significant resources to support projects of Community Councils, which come mostly of oil revenues. The latter circumstance is that the economy was distorted and productive for 500 years strongly constrained by the policies of imperialism and the oligarchies, which turned Venezuela into a subordinate and dependent: crude oil exporter and importer of consumer almost everything needed for life, especially food and manufactured goods: luxury and oligarchies, medium and low quality for the rest of the population.

Alienation and capitalist consumerism, destruction of productive culture

The sale, use and consumption of imported goods, was consistently promoted throughout Latin America by the mass media: radio from the mid- 30's, film and television from the 50's of last century. Manipulating consciences and making wishes, the U.S. and Europe imposed on us part of their lifestyle and consumption patterns, and the neoliberal globalization model implemented from the 70 twentieth century, replaced the existing low domestic production and imports, with which its economy and its profits grew and unemployment levels were relatively low.
So, destroyed or severely decreased the productive culture of the population, both agricultural and industrial dependent countries (including Venezuela), stimulated migration to the city and were the cause of chronic unemployment, lack of income for the population , poverty and extreme poverty, social decay and widespread criminality.

Much of the population was alienated and forced to adapt to live without producing, "or producing very little, in work connected with the trade and services (except for those related to the oil) in a rentier economy, where most of government revenue from oil sales. This is extracted from the ground through the work, but is not produced by him but by nature. Their prices are determined on the world market supply and demand, and speculative movements of large financial and industrial capital. Finally, high oil prices (which are formed when they gather many of the circumstances referred to above, plus a strong organization and coordinated policies of exporting countries) are paid by workers the planet, the capitalists who move their costs, by increasing the final price of any goods whose production uses energy from fossil fuels.


rent-seeking and political patronage, harmful legacy of the Fourth Republic

Income is distributed through the state apparatus, which in the capitalist system is an instrument of oppression and manipulation of people. One of its most obnoxious and alienating the political patronage, which has been widespread in capitalism and, unfortunately, still applies in part on Venezuela for more than a few "politicians" and public officials reproductive system of capitalist exploitation, we will deal with the Bolivarian Socialism, whose cultural and material bases are built gradually with the Simon Bolivar National Plan 2007-2013 and its projection to 2019.
Political patronage is blackmail. Is buying of votes and the consciousness of citizens, the manipulation of citizens' political action with state resources, "if you help to choose and vote for a particular politician, then your child will have the scholarship, or you have a job a ministry or public institution, have the desired increase in pay, or you will become permanent employees, have access to a housing and housing policy, etc.., etc. "And so, in all aspects of life. This is something that must be paid entirely from the political traditions in Venezuela, if we want a Socialist State Community and serve the people and not a state and a people service operators, bureaucrats and corrupt.


has improved the quality of life of people

As a result of the policies of the revolutionary government of President Chavez and the restructuring of international relations in the country to regain national sovereignty, its impact on the policies of OPEC, the rising oil prices in the international market to overcome the coup in 2002 and hit oil in 2002 - 2003 by the revolutionary mass action and the brave people of Venezuela and its military, the country was between 2005 and 2008 with large foreign exchange earnings.
With these resources, although there is still much corruption within the state and its institutions, has significantly improved the quality of life of the people, to invest heavily in social services: food, health, education and culture (social missions ) in infrastructure and in the creation - with the support of allies like China, Russia, Iran and Argentina, the foundations of a domestic industry capable of, "if managed with socialist orientation, to meet the needs of the population and strengthen the medium-term national sovereignty.



world capitalist crisis and need to overcome the rentier economy with a productive economy communal, social and sustainable

But the situation has changed dramatically: the global crisis of capitalism, with its financial and economic terms, with epicenter in industrialized countries, and global warming is affecting the planet with all its inhabitants, has a strong effect on Venezuela for its impact on the national budget. Oil prices fell in February 2009 to less than $ 40 a barrel, when they were estimated at $ 60 in the national budget for the same period. In previous years the price reached $ 150.
This forced the President and National Assembly to adjust the budget in February 2009 and to raise VAT from 9% to 14%, affecting the amount of available resources for the implementation of many national projects, budgets and development plans of governments and municipalities, and the purchasing power of workers. Nevertheless, investment in social spending remained, thanks to strong international reserves accumulated over several years and development funds created by President Chávez.

The price of crude has risen slowly since March to reach $ 60 in June 2009 and is expected to settle at $ 70 at the end of the year. But the deepening crisis, and converted into a recession, which slows down and even forced to reduce production in the most powerful industrial capitalist countries of Europe, America and Japan, could push prices back down. It is a situation of uncertainty. The building of socialism requires planning and no uncertainty. Or in any case, every day more planning and less uncertainty.

For this, and because the stage current revolution is essential to create new social relations with socialist values \u200b\u200bin the integrated processes of financing, production, distribution, exchange and consumption, planning and participatory budgeting can not rely on identifying the needs and aspirations of the community, defining priorities to request the State, the resources to meet them. This creates dependence on government and non-responsibility between State and Community; disability community and its members. Parasitism and social alienation. Encourages political patronage, bureaucracy and corruption.

is essential to create, with active participation of village economy in transition to socialism, production and services, able to sustainably meet their material and cultural needs, and create the best conditions for maximum stability, security and happiness possible. Thereby advance the true construction of the People, which is necessarily socialist, and the minimization of political patronage, which reproduces the old bourgeois state, which in turn, reproduces the main operating bases of metabolic and reproductive capital: a. Social division and the hierarchical structure of work, b. C. social alienation and The private ownership of the basic means of production. This can be done through Social Owned Enterprises (EPS) with socialist administration, which can be direct social property (commune), indirect (State) or mixed, they combine the social ownership of the communes, with of the state.


Participatory planning, popular power and communal economy

organized communities should be planned with intelligence: how to meet needs as a priority and investing in a sustainable manner, government resources, complemented with forms of community self-financing.
is not only produce things, material goods, must occur at the same time, products and culture socialist promote local endogenous development and regional socialist become less dependent on both the support of the state as imports, since, with several strategically important reasons, should return to a situation of low oil prices the world market, and to the extent that international reserves will decline and social funds, there will be fewer currencies available and therefore is only possible to import essential.

In other words, the People's Communes and the socialist content only exist in a real way, if you have a productive economy, in which the public and workers of a territory, together with the state to local or regional level, take fundamental decisions about: what to produce, how and with what model of management, how to distribute the result of work and how to allocate the surplus generated in the process of financing, production, processing , distribution and consumption.

As President Chávez has directed, this economy must be specified in Direct Social Owned Enterprises (commune) with Socialist management, linked to the productive chains and partner networks in your field or industry. In them, the Indirect Social Property Enterprises (State) play a major role, which must also be structured other forms of property social and private (including cooperatives).

This applies in all sectors of the economy but, in this incipient period (though critical) transition from capitalism to socialism, they should give priority to: the sovereignty and people's food security, health, education and culture, housing, the right to decent work, not alienated or exploited; and daily delivery services of all kinds to the public through multiple trades workers organized interdisciplinary way in EPS: masonry, plumbing, electrical, carpentry , etc., etc.

key criteria for selecting projects Social Owned Enterprises (EPS) to finance

As mentioned above, in the midst of economic crisis and overall global capitalist system and its outreach to Venezuela in various fields of economic, social, political, cultural and military, and taking into account: a.

The cuts made to the national budget and therefore to all governors, mayors and state institutions;
b. The accumulated historical experience and approaches of President Chávez on political economy broadcast on television and wrote weekly "Chavez Lines"
c. Socialist logic Community minimum necessary

propose the following general tips in later writings that will be applied specifically and explaining the issue of sovereignty and food security:

• EPS projects may only be financed by the state through Single System of Financing of Community Councils (SAFONAC) INAPIMI, BANDES, BANFOANDES, BANMUJER, etc., whether between different technical requirements and mandatory, (which can not be the same as those required for capital projects) have been formulated with active participation of social actors who are going to run as well as those to be affected or influenced by their activity, and also for the recipients of your products or services.
• That some spokesmen of Community Councils and key community leaders in the formulation of the project are financed by public institutions on a temporary basis. Thus they could devote the necessary time to contribute effectively in the formulation of projects of some complexity, which require considerable time and effort, as could be, for example: agro-processing plants, deposits communal building materials and hardware; housing projects community, the Community market. • All projects
EPS for the same state, or to be developed in the territory of a community under construction, should be considered in an interrelated way and systemic. This can be reflected in a matrix built collectively (with their own methodologies) with joint participation of members of public, community councils and other existing social organizations. Subsequently be developed in its many aspects and dimensions.
• Focus on a few priority projects, the existing manpower and resources of all types available (or likely to get): financial, technical, natural, environmental, infrastructure, etc.., to achieve real success stories of building a socialist economy and culture will serve as a reference and comparison factor. The initial successes, will create a favorable social and political environment for future projects EPS.

• These projects must be located in areas where there the best social and political conditions to advance socialist construction. For example, well-organized communal councils and really active, PSUV well directed and attuned to the population, Mayor revolutionary Socialist Training School, etc.., Together with the technical conditions required by pre-feasibility study.

• These projects will be approved only if they have been designed in an integrated way (those that are incomplete must complete.) Should contain all the productive chain and partner network (although some links may already exist and only then missing items), because otherwise, as experience shows, will be subordinated and made by monopolies links in the reproduction of capitalism.

• The socio-productive chains and networks should include: a.

Funding. B.
Primary production (agriculture, livestock, fisheries, forestry or mining). C.
The collection and transport. D.
Industrial processing and agribusiness. E.
Distribution. F.
The Exchange. G.
Final consumption.
h. The distribution of surpluses. I.
Training in social management and training.

PNSB • According to 2007-2013 and presidential guidance, participation in these projects and its production partner networks, various forms of ownership (including private, which are part of cooperatives), but ensuring the hegemony of Social Property: Indirect (State) and Direct (communities) on private property, so basically, the final results in terms of products and services (access, quality and price) and the distribution of surplus to benefit the people and the State to its service, and serve to create a productive economy with social relations of production, distribution, exchange and consumption, with a socialist orientation.

• The structural links of the chains, (ie, that determine the strategic direction of the same) should be socially owned, direct, indirect, or mixed between the two, and if private participation, this should always be minority.

• Apply a matrix management model Socialist (See Polyether Magazine year 1, 2009, No. 5, Training and Management Socialist Conclusions of the third national seminar on management training and socialist, Page No. 40) to draft and refine EPS with social participation, ie the subjects that will be involved in its implementation. This should be a compulsory and will be a collective learning process of building socialism and planned with social participation. If these conditions do not exist is better to withdraw from the project concerned.

• Each project must have for their development and correct orientation, with at least one mid-level political picture socialist trained and proven political will (hopefully also with vocational training and technical information to the project) and have included as an essential element, the creation of a Socialist training school for all social subjects participating in the production chain and partner network in question. If this is not true, it makes no sense for the Government that the project is financed by the state, because only generate more capital.

• To form the set of tables requires the existence of a Socialist School state or regional level, with a didactic training program for facilitators who will work in all other socialist training schools: The state, of Company Social Property (EPS) chain and partner network productive freely associated producers, Community Councils and Communities, of Ministries, governors and mayors.

• Using mass media to disseminate the projects and their subsequent achievements, facilitating the intercommunication of social subjects and training in the management model socialist, workers of enterprises and other economic units linked to the networks, partner networks and communities productive.

These suggestions may be added many others, emerged from the diverse experiences in a particular situation in each state or region, or different population groups, as they could be the communities of African descent, indigenous, peasant, women, youth, the homeless, prisoners, alternative media, etc.

is important to consider the possibility of linking the maximum possible in these projects to revolutionary political paintings (some of which also can be professionals and technicians) from the ALBA countries, and social organizations of Latin America and the Caribbean that are related to the Bolivarian socialist revolution, as this will be an important supportive process, twinning of towns, to build together the greatest potential for liberating the people, communities and individuals the continent.


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How To Make A Rc Turrent

the other side of imperialism

By Luis R Delgado J
On several occasions you have read or heard that the private media are instruments or serve the interests of imperialism, but truth is that this fundamental part of capitalist culture industry, not puppet or tool, it is part of the current capitalist world order.

If we understand imperialism as a global system characterized by the monopolization of capital transnationalized, we realize that the global media industry does not escape this reality. CNN and FOX are capitalist monopolies of same proportions as a Nestlé, General Motors or Microsoft.

This is good to have in mind not to fall into the error of considering the media industry as a business conglomerate in the second, located behind the industrial, banking, energy, food, technology, arms or pharmacists. Not so, the bourgeoisie owns the means of communication is as powerful as the other bourgeois factions transnational (commercial, banking, financial, industrial, etc.), And share with them the most bourgeois global interests, so it is very well aligned in the field of class struggle world.
The private media are the most important ideological weapons that have the forces of reaction. Create the happy slave, inoculate the entire planet Unique Thought (Ramonet 2003), standardizing on a global scale consumption patterns gringo society, participate in the Generation IV wars or psychological warfare are some of the big tasks.


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Thank You For Your Referal Cards

Five Theses of the road in Honduras

Socialist Construction
Once again the Latin American working people have learned in two weeks what in earlier times it will take decades and the situation the coup carried out in Honduras clearly showed five theses on the political problem in Latin America.

1. How to develop the contradictions within imperialism.

Imperialism as we know it is not a homogeneous mass acting under the orders of the President of the United States, but rather, is the economic power of the big companies who determine the policy of the political groups and especially the policy U.S..
The difference between this handful of imperialist political group consists mostly of different geo-political priorities and economic effects of which start to transcend the structural crisis of capital. For example, the priority output of the pro-Jewish lobby is based on the control of the middle east (Afghanistan-Iraq-Pakistan) in the disarmament of the Palestinian state and its respective control by the state of Israel and the destruction of Iran's military potential.



other hand and according to the thesis from Kissinger geopolitical priority for U.S. imperialism is to control the economic threat of China and the Russian military power, on this the Clinton and Obama agree with the difference of the necessary control over Afghanistan. But one sector of the Republican Party (Bush, Negroponte and Otto Reich Latin America) consider it important to stop the popular name that has been burned in our continent and put his hand to Venezuelan oil.

Honduras Then the coup was led by a large fraction of the Republican Party (Otto Reich, John Negroponte Hugo Llorens) without consultation with President Obama and that military action was a direct blow against the ALBA and not just against the people Honduras.

2. Gramscian thesis on the Philosophy of Praxis.

For Gramsci "jumping on the organization of consciousness are made specifically mediated by practice, ie that a revolutionary consciousness would result from the dialectic between reflection and practice, but especially in ethical commitment to the construction of certain ends. This approach has been rejected mainly because most of the outdated schools, movements and parties "pseudo-Marxist or Marxian", those that focused on sectarian principles above the working class, always tending to volunteerism, the Enlightenment, divorce with the masses, the closed circles and deformation of the political action of the Communists. Today
against these groups look to leaders such as Rafael Correa from the Chicago school, for example, or the case of Hugo Chavez of being a soldier who raised the Bolivarian political means, then the third way mas tarde el antiimperialismo hasta proclamar la transición al socialismo; los vemos dirigiendo procesos profundamente populares, revolucionarios y antiimperialistas, moviéndose sin recetas o dogmas sobre escenarios verdaderamente complejos pero al mismo tiempo abriendo espacios a la organización de los pueblos trabajadores, levantando las banderas del socialismo; De esa forma se ha venido cumpliendo la máxima de Albert Einstein: “si los principios éticos son sólidos, vivos y dinámicos, estos serán acompañados por millones de personas que de manera semiinconsciente determinan el ritmo de la historia”.

Es este el caso del presidente hondureño Manuel Zelaya, quién viene de ser terrateniente, empresario del negocio de la madera, y quien gana las elecciones al frente del partido liberal (partido de derecha); comienza a experimentar una transformación en su política por la expectativa que han despertado los procesos políticos revolucionarios en el continente, especialmente en el movimiento popular, esto también influyó gracias a parte de su gabinete; es así como pide el ingreso de Honduras al ALBA, lucha por el aumento salarial de los trabajadores y por una constituyente que sentara las bases de una democracia participativa.

Es por estas políticas que se ocasiona una ruptura no solo en las filas del partido liberal, no sólo en la conciencia del movimiento popular, sino también entre el órgano ejecutivo or government to the bourgeois character of the state, bringing as a result the right-wing coup.



3. Of how a democratic government with popular support is forced to confront a bourgeois state.

In Lenin's view that there are social times have a situation where there is a status that ensures the domination of one class over another, but at the same time and by infighting, the state may have a variation in the forms of government . Today Honduras is a living example of this, we have seen the Zelaya government supported by the masses on the pretense of moving from one form of representative democracy to a form of democracy participatory and popular, he found the refusal of the entire bourgeois state power (military, congress, courts and police) to fulfill its role in a coordinated way "to preserve and reproduce metabolically order of capital."
But Zelaya was not the first in the short history of ALBA in transit through this confrontation and we are sure you will not be the last example, remember the confrontation between Indians and representatives of the Bolivian Congress to approve the election of a constituent, in Venezuela Enabling Legislation in 2001 led to a right-wing coup in 2002, also in Ecuador won the popular mobilization to the right. A pesar de estas victorias relativas hoy se presenta la siguiente contradicción para la revolución latinoamericana: el carácter popular de los gobiernos del ALBA vs. el carácter burgués de sus estados nacionales; esta contradicción tiene dos caminos: 1) las revoluciones populares se desgastan por las trabas de los propios estados nacionales y las denuncias insistentes de las oposiciones pro-imperialistas con el uso de los medios o 2) las revoluciones populares organizan un nuevo estado participativo de tipo socialista conformado por la organización del pueblo trabajador como clase dominante.


4. La fuerza de la opinión pública y la movilización popular para enfrentar golpes de derecha.

La sociedad mundial se ha acercado y ha mejorado la efectividad de la comunicación a través del uso y desarrollo de la tecnología; las mismas han sido puestas al servicio de la dominación de las ideas del imperialismo, pero también han constituido un arma para que las ideas revolucionarias circulen con impresionante alcance y rapidez; en Chile por ejemplo observamos como una revuelta estudiantil se organizó en menos de una hora con el uso de la telefonía celular, lo mismo ha ocurrido en Europa y ahora en Honduras vimos como las imágenes captadas por TELESUR sirvieron a la opinión publica internacional para desmontar la matriz de CNN; igualmente emisoras de radio de Honduras transmitieron a través de Internet las acciones del golpismo and resistance of peoples, the videos captured by cell phones to the Internet arrived and were taken by news in the world.
This allowed a rapid development in the popular movement in Honduras and outside the country, as Marx pointed out that the ideas when they were seized by the masses were a great material force, this time the ideas circulated with appropriate speed and the mobilized masses are showing that they are those that determine the evolution of humanity.


5. The validity of ALBA and its importance to the Latin American revolution

ALBA went from being in a short time alternative to neoliberalism rhetoric to a political alliance on revolutionary principles: the Way of ALBA is based on progressive governments that are an expression of popular mobilization, this instrument was able to lobby international bodies like the OAS, Rio Group, SICA to condemn the coup in Honduras, moved with great forcefulness to intimidate the coup of right close, accusing.
This alliance in its early days made a good omen for his role in the development of Latin American revolutionary, if it can transcend to the unity of working people in the continent, organized for the socialist party in power for workers, no force will be able to subdue this powerful unit.


By: Schools People's Power / Carabobo, Front Educators, FRAPOM (artistic revolutionary front country or death), Warriors Youth (high school students), Movement for Transforming Education (University), with Class Gender Feminist Movement, organizing committee (Carabobo) Labour Congress by the socialist administration.

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