Joseph Stalin In the prerevolutionary period, during the period of more or less peaceful, when the parties Second International were the dominant force in the labor movement and parliamentary forms of struggle were seen as essential in these conditions, the party could have had no such great importance and as vital as it acquired later in the open revolutionary shock conditions.
Kautsky, the Second International defending against the attack, said that the parties of the Second International are instruments of peace, not war, and that is precisely why were powerless to do anything serious during the war, the period of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat. And so, in effect. But what does this mean? Means that parties of the Second International are useless for the revolutionary struggle the proletariat, which are not parties combative proletariat and leading the workers to power, but voting machines are appropriate for the elections to parliament and parliamentary struggle. This precisely explains that during the period of dominance by opportunists of the Second International, the fundamental policy of the proletariat is not the party, but the parliamentary minority.
But things changed radically to get the new period. The new period is to open clashes between the classes, the period of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat, the period of proletarian revolution, the period of the direct preparation of forces for the overthrow of imperialism and the conquest of power by the proletariat.
This period poses new tasks facing the proletariat: the reorganization of the entire work of the Party in a sense new, revolutionary education of workers in the spirit of the revolutionary struggle for power, the preparation and the concentration of reserves; the alliance with the workers from neighboring countries, the establishment of strong links with the liberation movement of the colonies and dependent countries, etc., etc.
believe that these new tasks can be solved with the forces of the old social democratic parties, educated under the peaceful conditions of parliamentarism, is to be condemned to a hopeless despair to inevitable defeat. To tackle these tasks with the old parties in the lead, means being completely disarmed. It goes to show that the proletariat could not be resigned to this situation.
Hence the need for a new party, a militant party, party revolutionary, bold enough to lead the proletariat to fight for power, skilled enough to navigate in the complex conditions of the revolutionary situation and flexible enough to overcome each and every one of the obstacles that stand in the way to their ends.
Without such a party, you can not even think about the overthrow of imperialism,
the achievement of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
This new party is the party of Leninism.
What are the characteristics of this new party?
1) The Party as the vanguard of the working class. The Party must be, above all, the vanguard of the working class. The Party must incorporate into its ranks all the best elements of the working class, to assimilate their experience, their revolutionary spirit, infinite devotion to the cause of the proletariat.
But to be a true vanguard, the Party must be armed with a revolutionary theory, with the knowledge of the laws of motion, with the knowledge of the laws of the revolution. Otherwise, you can not lead the struggle of the proletariat, the proletariat can not bring in its wake. The party can not be a real party if it is confined simply to record what they feel and think the mass of the working class, dragging behind the spontaneous movement of it, if he can not overcome the inertia and political indifference of the spontaneous movement, if you can not rise above the momentary interests of the proletariat, if you can not raise the masses to understand the interests of the proletariat.
The Party must go to the front of the working class has to see farther than the working class, have to drive behind the proletariat and not drag behind the spontaneous movement. These parties of the Second International, who preach the "ism" are vehicles of bourgeois politics, which condemns the proletariat's role as an instrument of the bourgeoisie. Only a party which is situated at the point of view of the vanguard of the proletariat and be able to raise the masses to understand the interests of the proletariat, only such a party is able to divert the working class of the path of trade unionism and make it a force independent policy.
The party is the political head of the working class
.
I spoke above of the difficulties of the struggle, the complexity of the conditions of struggle, strategy and tactics, reserves and maneuvering, the attack and withdrawal. These conditions are so complex, if not more, than those of war. Who can be oriented in such conditions?, Who can give correct guidance to the masses of millions and millions of workers? No army in war hinges on a staff expert, not to be doomed to defeat. Is it not clear that the proletariat can not, a fortiori, without this staff, if not to surrender to the mercy of their sworn enemies? But where do you find the staff? Only the revolutionary party of the proletariat can be the staff. Without a revolutionary party, the working class is like an army without staff.
The party is the Chiefs battle of the proletariat.
But the party can not be so only a detachment, but has to be at the same time, a detachment of the class, a part of the class, closely linked to it with all the roots of their existence. The difference between the detachment and the rest of the mass of the working class, among Party members and non-party, can not disappear as long as classes are eliminated, while the proletariat see their ranks swell with elements from other classes, while the working class as a whole, can not rise to the level of the vanguard. But the Party is no longer the party if this difference became a divorce, if the party is shut up in itself and apart from the masses non-Party. The party can not lead the class if it is linked to non-Party masses, if there is no link between the Party and the non-Party masses, if these masses do not accept your direction, if the Party has no moral credit policy among the masses. Recently joining our party gave two hundred thousand workers. What is remarkable here is the fact that these workers, rather than coming to the party themselves, have been sent to him by the whole mass of non-Party, which has been actively involved in the admission of new members, who were not allowed without approval. This shows that the masses of non-Party workers see their party in our Party, an endearing game and loved, in whose development and strengthening are deeply concerned and whose direction willingly entrust their fate. Do not think it necessary to show that without these moral imperceptible threads that bind with non-Party masses, the party could not have become the decisive force in its class.
The Party is an inseparable part of the working class.
"says Lenin We are the Party of the class, and thus, almost the entire class (and in time of war, civil war era, the whole class) should act under the direction of our party our Party must take the strongest possible bond, but would Manilovism and "ism" believe that most of the class or the whole class may some day, under capitalism, rising to the point of reaching the level of awareness and activity of his detachment, his Social Democratic party. No social wise has never disputed that, under capitalism, even the union (more rudimentary, more affordable to the degree of awareness of the less developed layers) is able to encompass all or most of the working class. Forget the difference between the vanguard and the whole mass gravitating toward him, forget the constant duty is the vanguard of raising ever larger layers to an advanced level would only fool yourself, close your eyes to the immensity of our tasks, to restrict our work (see Vol VI, pp. 205-206).
2) The Party as the organized detachment of the working class. The Party is not only the vanguard of the working class. If you want to actually lead the fight of its kind, has to be at the same time, an organized detachment of the same. The tasks of the Party in capitalism are extraordinarily large and diverse. The Party must lead the struggle of the proletariat in extremely difficult conditions of internal and external development, must lead the proletariat to the offensive when the situation calls for offensive must subtract the proletariat de los golpes de un enemigo fuerte cuando la situación exija la retirada; debe inculcar en las masas de millones y millones de obreros sin-partido y desorganizados el espíritu de disciplina y el método en la lucha, el espíritu de organización y la firmeza.
Pero el Partido no puede cumplir estas tareas si él mismo no es la personificación de la disciplina y de la organización, si él mismo no es un destacamento organizado del proletariado. Sin estas condiciones, ni hablar se puede de que el Partido dirija verdaderamente a masas de millones y millones de proletarios.
El Partido es el destacamento organizado de la clase obrera.
La idea del Partido como un todo organizado está expressed in the familiar formula, put forward by Lenin in the first article of the Constitution of our Party, which is considered the party a sum of their organizations and their members, members of the Party organizations. The Mensheviks, which in 1903 rejected this formula, proposed, instead, the "system" of self-adhesion to the Party, the "system" to extend the "title" Party member to any "teacher" and any "student" , any "supporter" and any "strike" to support the Party in one way or another, but not form or wish to join any of their organizations. It scarcely needs proof that the original "system" have taken root in our Party, have inevitably led to flood of teachers and students and its degeneration into an "entity" vague, amorphous, disorganized, had been lost at sea of the "supporters" would have erased the boundaries between party and class and spoiled the party's task of raising the level of the disorganized mass vanguard. Needless to say, with a "system" opportunistic like that, our party could not play the core role of organizers of the working class in the course of our revolution. From
point of view of Comrade Martov - says Lenin - the borders of the party are quite vague, because "any strike" may "be declared a member of the Party." What is the advantage of such vagueness? The widespread distribution of the "title." What is the harm is that disruptive idea originates from the confusion of the class with the Party (vt VI, pg. 211).
But the Party is not just the sum of their organizations. The party is at the same time, the unique system of these organizations, their formal merger into a single whole, with upper and lower bodies of direction, with the subordination of the minority most, with practical resolutions binding on all Party members. Without these conditions, the Party could not form a single, organized, able to carry out systematic and organized management of the struggle of the working class.
Before - says Lenin - our Party was not formally organized a whole, but simply a sum of different groups, why could not in any way relationship exist between them more than the ideological influence. Now we have become an organized party, and this implies the creation of an authority, the transformation of the prestige of the ideas in the prestige of authority, submission of the request lower to higher levels of the Party (vt VI. pg. 291)
The principle of subordination of the minority to the majority, the beginning of the address of the Party's work raises a central body often attacks the elements unstable, accusations of "bureaucracy" of "formalism", etc. It scarcely needs proof that the systematic work of the Party as a whole and the leadership of the struggle of the working class would not be possible without the application of these principles. Leninism in the organization is the unfailing implementation of these principles. Lenin describes the fight against these principles of "Russian nihilism" and "aristocratic anarchism," worthy of being ridiculed and rejected.
Here is what Lenin says in his book "Step Up" with regard to these unstable elements:
This aristocratic anarchism is something very peculiar to the Russian nihilist. The Party organization you crave a "factory" monstrous submission of part to whole and the minority to the majority like a "subjugation," the division of labor under the direction of a central body makes utter cries tragicomic against the transformation of men into "wheels and screws," the mere mention of the statutes Party organization raises him as a gesture of contempt and the disdainful remark that we could live without laws.
Clearly, I think, that the cries against the notorious bureaucracy are just a means of concealing dissatisfaction with the composition of the central bodies are nothing more than a fig leaf. You're a bureaucrat, because you were appointed by Congress without my will and against her If you are a formalist because you rely on formal agreements of Congress, and not on my consent. Construction of a grossly mechanical way, because you refer to most "mechanics" of the Party Congress and pay no attention to my desire to be co-opted. You're an autocrat, because do not want to put power in the hands of the old coterie of good buddies!
(4) (vt VI. Pp. 310 and 2).
3) The Party as the highest form of organization of the proletariat. The party is the organized detachment of the working class. But the Party is not the only organization of the working class. The proletariat has many other organizations, without which they could fight successfully against the capital:
unions, manufacturing organizations, parliamentary groups, non-party women's organizations, media, cultural and educational organizations, youth associations, revolutionary organizations fighting (During the open revolutionary actions), Soviets of Deputies as a form of state organization (if the proletariat is in power, etc.). The vast majority of these organizations are non-party, and only a few are directly linked to the party or branch off theirs. In certain circumstances, these organizations are absolutely necessary for the working class, without which it would not be possible to consolidate the proletarian class positions in various fields of the fight, nor would it be possible to tune the proletariat as the force called to replace the order things bourgeois socialist order of things. But how to bring out the unique address, with such an abundance of organizations? What guarantee is there that this multiplicity of organizations lead to inconsistencies in the address? Each of these organizations, can tell us, acting in its own orbit and therefore can not hinder each other. This, of course, is true. But so is that all these organizations have to display their activity in one direction by acting as a single class, the class of proletarians. Who - one wonders - determines the line, the general guidance that all these organizations should continue their work? Where is the umbrella organization that is not only able, to have the necessary experience to draw the line overall, but it may also, having the prestige necessary to do so, move all these organizations to apply this line, in order to achieve unity in direction and exclude any possibility of intermittent?
This organization is the party of the proletariat.
The Party has all necessary conditions for the former, because the Party is the concentration of the best elements of the working class directly linked to the non-party of the proletariat and frequently lead, second, because Party as a point of concentration of the best elements of the working class is the best training school heads of the working class, capable of managing all forms of organization of its kind, third, because the Party as the best school for training leaders of the working class is by its experience and prestige, the only organization capable of centralizing the leadership of the struggle of the proletariat, thus making each and every one of the non-working class party subsidiary bodies and belts linking the Party with the class.
The Party is the highest form of organization of the proletariat.
This does not mean, of course, that non-Party organizations, trade unions, cooperatives, etc., Must be formally subordinate the Party leadership. What is needed is simply that the party members that make up these organizations, which enjoy undue influence, used all means of persuasion to get the non-party approach in the course of their work to the Party voluntarily accept the proletariat and its political leadership.
why Lenin said that the party is "the highest form of proletarian class, whose political leadership should extend to all other forms of organization of the proletariat (vt XXV. Pg. 194).
Therefore, the opportunist theory of "independence" and "neutrality" of the non-party, which produces independent MPs and party advertisers detached, narrow-minded union officials and cooperative spirit imbued with petty, is completely incompatible with the theory and practice of Leninism.
4) The Party as the instrument of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Party is the highest form of organization of the proletariat. The party is the essential factor in leadership within the class of proletarians and between organizations of this kind. But it is not apparent here, much less, that the Party can be considered as an end in itself as a force to be self-sufficient. The Party is not only the highest form of proletarian class, but is, at the same time an instrument of the proletariat to the conquest of his dictatorship, when it has not yet been conquered, and for the consolidation and expansion of the dictatorship, when is conquered. The party could not raise so high importance, or be the guiding light of all other forms of organization of the proletariat, if it had not raised the question of power, if the conditions created by imperialism, the inevitability of war and the existence of the crisis did not require the concentration of all forces of the proletariat in one place, the convergence of all the threads of the revolutionary movement at one point, in order to overthrow the bourgeoisie and achieve the dictatorship of the proletariat. The proletariat needs the Party primarily as a battle staff, essential to the successful conquest of power. It scarcely needs proof that no one party able to gather around him to the mass organizations of the proletariat and to centralize, in the course of the struggle, the direction of the whole movement, the Russian proletariat could not implement its revolutionary dictatorship.
But the proletariat needs the Party not only to achieve the dictatorship, yet it is necessary to maintain, consolidate and extend it to ensure the complete victory of socialism.
Seguramente --dice Lenin--, hoy casi todo el mundo ve ya que los bolcheviques no se hubieran mantenido en el Poder, no digo dos años y medio, sino ni siquiera dos meses y medio, sin la disciplina rigurosísima, verdaderamente férrea, de nuestro Partido, sin el apoyo total e indefectible prestado a él por toda la masa de la clase obrera, es decir, por todo lo que ella tiene de consciente, honrado, abnegado, influyente y capaz de conducir tras de sí o de arrastrar a las capas atrasadas(v. t. xxv, pág. 173).
Pero ¿qué significa “mantener” y “extender” la dictadura? Significa inculcar a las masas de millones y millones de proletarios el espíritu de disciplina y de organización; means giving the proletarian masses cohesion and provide a bulwark against the corrosive influence of petty-bourgeois element and petty habits, strengthen efforts to organize the workers to re-educate and transform the petty-bourgeois layers, helping to forge the proletarian masses and force capable of destroying the class and prepare the conditions for the organization of socialist production. But all this would be impossible without a strong party for its cohesion and discipline.
The dictatorship of the proletariat - says Lenin - is a stubborn struggle, bloody and bloodless, violent and peaceful, military and economic, educational and administrative, against the forces and traditions of the old society. The force of habit for millions and tens of millions is a most terrible force. Without an iron party tempered in the struggle, without a party enjoying the confidence of all that is for honesty in the classroom, without a party capable state of mind of the masses and influence it is impossible successfully carry out this struggle (see Vol. 190).
The proletariat needs the Party to win and maintain the dictatorship. The party is an instrument of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
But it follows that with the disappearance of classes, with the demise of the dictatorship of the proletariat, must disappear even the Party.
5)
Party unity of will as incompatible with the existence of factions. The conquest and maintenance of the dictatorship of the proletariat is impossible without a strong party for its cohesion and iron discipline. But the iron discipline of the Party is inconceivable without the unity of will, without unity of action, complete and absolute, all Party members. This does not mean, of course, that therefore exclude the possibility of a struggle of opinions within the Party. Upside: the iron discipline not exclude, but presupposes criticism and struggle of opinions within the Party. Nor does it mean, a fortiori, that the discipline must be "blind." On the contrary, iron discipline does not exclude, but requires conscious and voluntary subordination as only a conscious discipline can be a truly iron discipline. But once the battle of opinions, criticism and exhausted reached an agreement, unity of will and unity of action of all Party members is an indispensable condition without which it is conceived or a party united and strong discipline within the Party.
In the current era of bloody civil war, "says Lenin, the Communist Party can only fulfill its duty if it is organized in the most central, if he reigns within a discipline railway, bordering on military discipline, and if your central body is a body which enjoys great prestige and authority, is vested with broad powers and has the general trust of the Party members (see Vol. 282-283) .
So the question is posed Party discipline in the fight conditions precedent to the achievement of the dictatorship.
same must be said, but an even greater degree with respect to the discipline of the Party after the conquest of the dictatorship:
The weakening, however slightly, "says Lenin, the iron discipline of the party of the proletariat (especially at the time of his dictatorship), helps in fact to
bourgeoisie against the proletariat (see Vol. 190).
But from this it follows that the existence of factions is incompatible with the unity of the Party and its iron discipline. It scarcely needs proof that the existence of factions leads to the existence of a number of centers and the existence of various central agencies means the absence of a common center within the party, breach of the unity of will, the weakening and the breakdown of discipline, the weakening and disintegration of the dictatorship. Naturally, the parties of the Second International, who are fighting the dictatorship of the proletariat and not want to lead the proletariat to conquer Power can afford liberalism as freedom of fractions, they do not need at all, an iron discipline. But the parties of the Communist International, which organized its work based on the work of conquering and strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat, can not admit or "liberalism" or freedom of fractions.
The Party is the unity of will, which excludes all factionalism and any division of power within the party.
Hence, Lenin spoke of "danger of factionalism for Party unity and the realization of unity of will in the vanguard of the proletariat, a fundamental condition for success the dictatorship of the proletariat. " This idea was set in the special resolution of the X Congress of our Party "On Party Unity."
Hence, Lenin demanded "the complete abolition of all factionalism" and "immediate dissolution of all groups, without exception, formed on a given platform," on pain of "unconditional and immediate expulsion from the Party" (v . the resolution "On Party Unity.")
6)
The Party becomes strong by purging itself of opportunist elements. The factionalism within the party born of opportunist elements. The proletariat is a closed class. A continuously flowing out elements of peasant and petty and intellectual proletarianized the development of capitalism. At the same time, at the height of the proletariat consists primarily of union officials and parliamentarians fattened by the bourgeoisie at the expense of colonial super-profits, operating a decomposition process. "That," says Lenin layer of workers gentrified or "labor aristocracy" petty entirely by his manner of life, their earnings and in full view of the world, is the main supporter of the Second International, and today, the principal social (not military) of the bourgeoisie. They are true agents of the bourgeoisie within the movement, the labor lieutenants of the capitalist class, real vehicles of reformism and chauvinism "(see Vol XIX, pg. 77).
All petty penetrate these groups in one way or another in the party, leading to this spirit of hesitation and opportunism, the spirit of demoralization and uncertainty. They are mainly those who are the source of factionalism and disintegration, the source of the disruption and destruction of the work of the Party from within. Waging war against imperialism in the rear taking such "allies" is seen in the situation people that lies between two fires, shot by the front and rear. Therefore, the relentless struggle against these elements, their expulsion from the Party is the prerequisite for successful fight against imperialism.
The theory of "defeat" opportunist elements by ideological struggle within the Party, the theory of "ending" with these elements within the framework of a single party is a rotten and dangerous theory, which threatens to condemn the party to palsy and a chronic ailment that threatens to deliver the party at the mercy of opportunism, which threatens to leave the proletariat without a revolutionary party, which threatens to deprive the proletariat its main weapon in the fight against imperialism. Our party could not go as broad highway, I could not take power and organize the dictatorship of the proletariat, could not emerge victorious from the civil war, if he had had in their ranks Martov and Dan, the Potresov and Axelrod. If our party has managed to build within its ranks an indoor unit and cohesion not seen, is due primarily to escape in time knew the scum of opportunism and throw the party to the settlement and the Mensheviks. To develop and strengthen the proletarian parties, we must purge its ranks of opportunists and reformists, social-imperialists and social-chauvinists, social-patriots and social-pacifists.
The Party becomes strong by purging itself of opportunist elements.
Taking in the ranks of the reformists, the Mensheviks, Lenin said, "it is possible to succeed in the proletarian revolution is not possible to defend it. This is evident from the point of view of principles. This will clearly reinforce the experience of Russia and Hungary in Russia, we have crossed many times through difficult situations, in which the Soviet regime would have been hopelessly beaten if they had been Mensheviks, reformists, petty-bourgeois democrats in our party. In Italy, where, according to general opinion, things are going to decisive battles between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie for the conquest of state power. At such times, not only absolutely necessary to expel the party with the Mensheviks, the reformists, the Turate, but may even be useful aside from any position of responsibility who, being good communists, they are likely to express hesitation and inclination toward "unity" with the reformists. On the eve of the revolution and in moments of fiercest fighting for their success, the slightest hesitation in the Party can ruin everything, to derail the revolution wrest power from the proletariat, because this power is not consolidated yet, because the onslaught against him are still too strong. If at such time, leaders are hesitant to depart, that does not weaken the party, but to strengthen the Party, the labor movement, the revolution
(see Vol. 462, 463 and 464).
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