Jorge Dimitrov ________________________________________ First Edition: "IV Congress of the International Association", Moscow, 1928 Scanning: Aritz
Source: J. Dimitrov, Works, Publisher of the PCB, 1953
This Edition: Marxists Internet Archive, year 2001
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We perfectly realize that fascism is not a local phenomenon, temporary or transitory, but represents a class domination of the bourgeoisie and its capitalist dictatorship in the era of imperialism and social revolution. After the war the victorious imperialist Octube Revolution after the existence of ten years of the Soviet Union under the conditions of the enormous influence of these factors on revolutionary the proletariat, the peasant masses, the oppressed nationalities and colonial towns, the bourgeoisie can not keep for long under the hegemony of class to the masses and tackle the tasks of stabilization and rationalization of capitalism through the old ways and methods parliamentary democracy.
The output for the bourgeoisie is to bring the masses by means of fascism. Fascism is the last phase of class domination of the bourgeoisie. All bourgeois countries spend one after another, sooner or later, to fascism through coups or "peacefully" maa so brutal or "softer" - methods of transition can be diverse and depend on the particulars of the circumstances, social structure and the correlation of class forces and policies in a given country.
The danger of fascism for the proletariat and the labor movement class is permanent and growing danger. The ultimate elimination of that danger is possible only through the overthrow of bourgeois rule, through the replacement of the bourgeois dictatorship of the proletariat dictatorship in alliance with farmworkers. Consider fascism as a temporary and transitory phenomenon, which, within the framework of capitalism, could be replaced by the restoration the old regime &acte; tico-bourgeois democratic and deny the danger of the establishment of fascism in the great capitalist countries be wishful thinking, which can only weaken the monitoring and resistance of the proletariat, serve to help strengthen fascism and temporary fascist dictatorship. These illusions should be rejected in the most resolute, the advocates of Unions are required to carry out an uncompromising struggle against them.
All this is still ma, s true for Southeast Europe (the Balkans, Hungary and others), where a number of particular causes of a historical, economic and political inevitably push the bourgeoisie on the road to fascism. Among these major causes are: The danger of fascism for the proletariat and the labor movement class is permanent and growing danger. The ultimate elimination of that danger is possible only through the overthrow of bourgeois rule, through the replacement of the bourgeois dictatorship of the proletariat dictatorship in alliance with farmworkers. Consider fascism as a temporary and transitory phenomenon, which, within the framework of capitalism, could be replaced by the restoration the old regime &acte; tico-bourgeois democratic and deny the danger of the establishment of fascism in the great capitalist countries be wishful thinking, which can only weaken the monitoring and resistance of the proletariat, serve to help strengthen fascism and temporary fascist dictatorship. These illusions should be rejected in the most resolute, the advocates of Unions are required to carry out an uncompromising struggle against them.
in the Balkans and Hungary has not yet been a bourgeois democratic revolution. The bourgeoisie has not met any of the revolutionary tasks that had emerged as leader of the masses against feudalism and absolutism in the past and had been strongly linked both ideological, as well as politically, with the masses. The farmers have received land through a democratic revolution of the bourgeoisie. Instead, they just fell victim to the most unbridled exploitation and plunder for the accumulation initial capital. Feudalism is not permanently removed. The national question remains unresolved. In most of these countries, the proletariat from the bosom of the peasant masses, is linked to them and from their germination is pervaded by a mood of anti-capitalist opposition.
Balkan countries and Hungary are in a state of semi-imperialism. Primarily agricultural country with a relatively weak industry, which suffers from strong competition from the highly developed capitalist imperialist states. They are in a covert economic war intestine in constant national and territorial conflicts, fueled and exploited by the imperialist states. Their domestic markets are limited to the extreme, due to the freakishly low purchasing power of the masses, while external markets are largely closed to them. Your own chances of stabilizing capitalism and streamline production are very limited. The ravages of imperialist war, the burden of repairs for some of them and the great war debts to all even more difficult economic situation and exacerbate the crisis in their economists.
The imperialist war and its consequences strongly discredited the bourgeoisie to the masses. The gap comes the ruling bourgeoisie and the exploited and oppressed masses became even deeper. In these countries, the bourgeoisie, defending against foreign competition, unlimited exploited the proletariat and pillaged without regard to the peasant masses. After all that imperialist war was practiced in even larger scale. Even with a tough and protracted struggle. This explains the intransigence of the proletariat to the bourgeoisie and the relatively high revolutionary spirit of the masses. From this comes also the weakness of the labor aristocracy and reformism, unlike the imperialist countries, in which the bourgeoisie, drawing on their super profits made in the colonies, managed to create corrupt privileged strata of the proletariat, giving some alms, and turn on their servers direct or indirect. The South East European bourgeoisie is unable, at this moment, to make any kind of serious economic concessions to the workers and the toiling masses, to bridge the deep chasm opened between the two classes.
Due to the similarity between the social structure of old Russia and the Southeast Europe, here is precisely the influence of the October Revolution was and is the strongest and the sympathy of the masses towards the Soviet Union deep .
In such a situation appears clear that the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie can not be sustained through forms of parliamentary democracy, let alone when the bourgeoisie is inevitable and imperative to take extraordinary measures for the stabilization of capitalism, shifting the burden on the working class and peasant masses.
using only the fascist dictatorship of the bourgeoisie can be expected to temporarily maintain its dominance, crushing the resistance of the masses and ensure maximum stability and capitalist rationalization at the expense of such bodies.
The Balkan bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie of the whole South Eastern Europe will inevitably follow that road, also under the pressure of imperialism, primarily in connection with participation in the Balkans and other countries in southeastern preparation imperialist and anti-Soviet war, the decisive condition for which it is essential to suppress, disrupt and weaken the revolutionary movement of the proletariat, the peasantry and the oppressed nations.
But the conditions in the countries of southeast Europe fascism will print a specific character. The peculiarity is that, unlike, for example, fascism in Italy, in those countries is predominantly non-fascism from below by means of a mass movement to its establishment as a state form of government, but rather from above. Apoyádose usurped the state power in the military forces of the bourgeoisie and the financial strength of banks' capital, fascism is committed to penetrate the masses, to create a backup including &oacuet; cal ideological, political and organizational. In Bulgaria, this was done by the military coup of June 9 fascist. In Yugoslavia, the inspirer and organizer of fascism is the block monarchy, military and banking. In Romania and Greece, with minor variations, is following suit. Hungary to face with Horty and Betlán is no exception to this rule. In Austria, and more covertly in Czechoslovakia, fascism is organized, arming and preparing feverishly for a decisive attack on the maximum protection and collaboration of governments themselves "Republicans."
This movement of fascism from above (with the mass of the state apparatus) down to the masses, their most valuable tools are the reformers who, wiping all traces of the class struggle, proclaiming and implementing policy "industrial peace" and binding arbitration, fighting relentlessly against the revolutionary workers' movement, dealing openly fascist positions.
to the rise of fascism, the conquest of the unions, the destruction of the union movement class is a necessity. And dictatorship the proletariat is impossible without the unions, just as the continued existence of the fascist dictatorship of the bourgeoisie is impossible without the subjugation of the proletariat and the peasantry (in one way or another) and above all without crushing the union movement class.
Without renouncing in any way demagogic slogans and to use all methods of corruption, the Southeast European Balkan fascism has, above all, to stand with the application of violence and terror against the proletariat wilder more aware, reaching even the mass slaughter of hundreds and thousands of revolutionary workers, as in Bulgaria and Hungary.
Efforts Main fascism are directed to get their hands on the movement of transport workers, miners and workers of the most important branches of industry, and the movement of employees directly engaged in the state apparatus. Creating all sorts of obstacles to the existence and strengthening of the class organizations of rail, telegraph and postal employees, state employees and miners, etc., Fascism took hold of the reformist organizations and yellow in these branches with active collaboration of the reformers and leaders yellow. In all the Balkan countries and fascism exerted a decisive influence on the direction of existing rail organizations, telegraph and postal employees and state workers and paralyze any attempt to legal organization of the miners.
Great efforts are also devoted fascism to strengthen their influence within the agricultural workers, taking advantage of its great cultural backwardness and the masses of unemployed workers who are hungry. No less attention
fascism dedicated to young workers in agriculture, which tries to capture through various sports and cultural organizations, with the flexibility of a part of that youth, who has not directly experienced the horrors of imperialist war . In
ideological sense, fascism uses mainly the ideas of nationalism and chauvinism, trying to pit against the national workers from other countries, to deceive particularly the unemployed and to divert attention from the masses of the internal problems to external factors, inciting the masses against other peoples, stirring national-chauvinist passions and painting prospects for improving the situation of the working class through the conquest of neighboring territories and regions.
Fascism wields in the foreground the theory of cooperation between capitalists and workers in the field of stabilization and rationalization of production, the theory on the harmony between the classes of common interests between the two, the liquidation of any class struggle and to substitute for compulsory arbitration of strikes, the transformation of unions into organs of the bourgeois state.
Again the reformist leadership of the unions is in full agreement with the ideological and political fascism. In its press spread these ideas, the same policy. The reformist leaders of the railroad and the telegraph and postal employees in Bulgaria are even members of the Fascist organization "Kubrat" and cooperate in the fascist magazine 'Zveno "whose task is to influence ideologically over the proletariat and petty bourgeoisie, especially the labor movement. They also face unique with fascism in the pursuit of class unions, their supporters in the business office and reported to the revolutionary elements, etc. This is already a widespread phenomenon in all Balkan countries and Hungary.
At the same time, using to this end the leaders of some unions, the fascists made enormous efforts to create their own labor groups that would serve them in the crushing strength of unions and organized support class to take all of the trade union movement .
In larger companies are named, for surveillance and security charges, reserve officers fascists and all kinds of items lumpenizados, representing armed groups who terrorize the workers and employees and trying to disrupt and demoralize them, while cleaning companies in the best revolutionary proletarian elements thus, beheaded bodies in enterprises. Rejecting
in general the existence of trade unions legal class of miners, railway workers, dock workers and other important branches of industry, as well as state employees, fascism seeks to limit the trade union movement within the frame class and Professional support of small scale production and other branches of industry, who do not have a decisive meaning for the class struggle.
While fascism at all costs is not to allow the centralization of trade unions in national federations class, trying to dismantling them in local union groups to avoid this so that they can carry out a successful struggle.
Fascism exploits the vocational technical schools for the preparation of new qualified staff, which is under the influence of fascist and can replace the pictures of the revolutionary proletariat of transport and decisive branches of industry.
policy of Fascism with the trade union movement can be expressed the Roman motto "Divide et impera!" Fascism is committed to divide and oppose each other the various categories of the proletariat, the unemployed against the workers, workers of the country against foreign workers, to sow division in the ranks of trade unions in raising organizations Fascists on the ruins of the trade union movement class. Fascism is an enemy determined the restoration of trade union unity and where the trade unions, as in Greece and Hungary, for example, are not yet separated, along with the reformists, work hard for their split.
domination of fascism in the movement esicisión union means the union movement, the destruction of class unions, the suppression of independent trade union movement of the proletariat.
Fascism is the mortal enemy of proletaristas class and trade unions. Fascism must take an uncompromising struggle, ruthless to the end.
There can be any reconciliation between the union movement class and fascism. There should be a single case, no single place where supporters of the Unions march together or in parallel with fascism. And in places where the fascists have not yet reached a definitive agreement and a mutual understanding with the reformist leaderships of unions (eg the Teachers' Union in Bulgaria) and still there is competition among them, the advocates of Unions in the struggle against the reformists and may have nothing in common with the fascists. Mistakes made in this regard by the advocates of Unions in Bulgaria in the organization of the railway and teachers should be avoided at all cost in the future. The struggle against reformism must always be a struggle against fascism and vice versa.
against fascism in the union movement and especially against the fascist unions should be carried out a merciless struggle, tough, ruthless and relentless in all lines and on all fronts. Fascism must be fought in manifest everywhere: in enterprises, establishments, organizations, the media of the unemployed, etc.. - The struggle of concrete and active should be addressed from the point of view of the liberation of the proletariat class and inseparable relationship with the immediate interests of workers and employees, as well as special tasks of the same unions.
This struggle against fascism must be carried out simultaneously in the ideological, political, and organic union movement in the following main directions. First
. Strongly oppose fascist ideology of revolutionary ideology of the proletariat. Unmask and whip up nationalism and chauvinism and theories of "industrial peace" and "harmony of the classes" to settle the class collaboration, all kinds of reformism. Unmasking fascism as a destroyer and gravedigger of the union movement; unmask ideolgía fascism as bank capital and imperialism. Unmasking fascism as a carrier of the danger of war, especially the war against the great Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Broader and tirelessly to popularize among the masses the program and tactics of the International Association, International trade union movement class.
II. Strengthen unions organically class and incorporate into its ranks the masses of unorganized workers. Where it has become impossible the existence of unions legal class (in the case of miners and others), you must create illegal labor groups having relations with the broad masses of workers and to conduct their struggle. Class wing in strengthening the reformist unions, nationalist, self and others and its relationship with trade unions and working class for a common struggle. Broaden and strengthen the network of common workers' committees in enterprises and institutions as organs of the same mass in each location and link their work with the union movement class. Organize the movement of the unemployed and coordinate with the campaigns of class unions. Organize the proletariat of the countryside. Incorporate class ranks of the unions to the huge mass of young workers and women workers. Organize and ensure the protection of workers in all aspects. Third
. Particularly important are the mass campaigns and strikes for increased wages, reduced working hours for labor protection and freedom of organization and strikes, opposing this way (in the process same struggle for immediate demands and interests of workers) to the masses against fascism (and his assistant reformism) and unmask their bourgeois nature traitor. Thus isolating fascism and the fascist unions of the proletarian masses. Fourth
. Ensure the struggle of the workers (in the strikes, etc.) Active support moral and material other bodies of workers in the city and country: to establish the united front of workers and farm workers in close collaboration the workers of industrial enterprises (from the tobacco industry, sugar, etc..) with the small producers of raw materials for companies (producers of snuff, sugar beet, etc..) in their common struggle against capital and isolate the respective industrial Fascism thus these layers of workers, in the process of the same struggle.
Quinta. Organize self-defense against fascist violence in companies (defense organizations, meetings, strikes, labor activists, etc.).. Carry out campaigns to drive business to the agents, guards, spies and provocateurs fascists. Sixth
. Strengthen the campaign from the bottom among the masses against the separatist politics of fascism and reformism, in the process of the same struggle for class unity of the labor movement, without admitting any commitment to the Amsterdam International fascists and trade unions, and fight relentlessly against them.
The fight against fascism in the union movement against the fascist unions should be conducted on an international scale, with the united efforts of the conscious proletariat of all countries. It is particularly necessary to organize international campaigns in defense of class trade unions in countries where it is already set up the fascist dictatorship (Italia, Bulgaria, etc.).. The weakening of fascism in the countries where it occupies a dominant position aliviaráa, no doubt, the fight against fascism offensive trade union movement in those countries where not yet established a fascist dictatorship.
No need to stress that the success of any struggle against fascism in the union movement will depend primarily on the quality of the work of supporters of the International Association of the implementation of a line just by them, to gain the trust of the masses and lead the actions they struggle against the offensive of capital and the danger of war.
But that's impossible to keep the union movement class.
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